
Nathan W. Hill
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Throughout Richardson’s subsequent publications on stelae he referred to these 6 transcriptions and employed them in his own editions of the inscriptions. However, the transcriptions have not previously been published, and thus many of Richardson's readings could not be verified by other scholars. Additionally, one of the transcriptions is the only extant evidence of a 9th-century inscription which is now too eroded to be read (‘Phyong rgyas bridge-head pillar). In late 2010 Richardson's photographic negatives of these manuscript transcriptions of stelae inscriptions were serendipitously discovered in Oxford's Bodleian Library.
The photographs have been made available online in September 2011 at
http://bodley30.bodley.ox.ac.uk:8180/luna/servlet/view/all/what/MS.+Or.+Richardson+47?sort=Shelfmark%2Csort_order
85 (2) : 305-315.
A review article of
Thurgood, Graham, and Randy J. LaPolla, eds. The Sino-Tibetan Languages. Second Edition. London and New York: Routledge, 2017. xxx + 1018 pp. ISBN 978-1-138-78332-4. Price 300 GBP.
Burmese aspirate consonants have two origins in proto-Burmish, namely plain voiceless and pre-glottalized voiceless consonants (Burling 1967: 6, 31-40, Mann 1998: 67-70; Nishi 1999: 68, 94-96). Consulting Lashi, which maintains pre-glottalized consonants in the widest variety of phonetic contexts (Nishi 1999: 70), one can distinguish those Burmese words that descend from plain voiceless initials (e.g. WBur. khre < *kriy 'foot', Lashi khjei) from those that descend from pre-glottalizated voiceless initials (e.g. WBur. -khre <*ˀkriy 'gall bladder', Lashi ˀkjeiH).
Reformulating Schiefner's conjecture as a correspondence between Tibetan sC- clusters and proto-Burmish pre-glottalized consonants significantly reduces the number of apparent exceptions, but some still remain. In some cases Burmese fails to have the expected aspirated resonant anticipated from the s- in the Tibetan cognate (e.g. OBur. mruy, Atsi -mui³¹ 'snake', Tib. sbrul < *smrul [Simon's law]) and in other cases proto-Burmish has a pre-glottalized consonant although the Tibetan cognate has no s- initial cluster (e.g. Bur. ṅhāḥ < *ˀṅāḥ 'borrow', Tib. brña < *brṅʲa [Houghton's law]).
In this talk I will examine the patterns, both regular and irregular, in order to evaluate the robustness of Schiefner's conjecture. To reveal one of my findings—within the exceptions there are cases where the Burmese development is apparently irregular, but the correspondence with proto-Burmish still holds (e.g. WBur. la 'moon', Lashi ˀlaX-, Tib. zla < *sla).
Initials
Schiefner's conjecture, *sC > *ˀC
Burling's law, *ˀC > Ch
Matisoff's law: *ś-, *s- > s- and *č-, *ts- > ts-
Rimes
Shafer's law, -*ik> -ac, *-iŋ > -aññ
Maung Wun's law, *u>o₂ before velars
After considering some of the obstacles to language documentation, this talk takes a fresh look at the technical side of linguistic fieldwork. It does this from the perspective of recent technological innovations, and examines the workflows and approaches to data management in particular. I conduct two case studies, the methods through which, may hold great promise in helping communities that speak understudied languages, namely autocompletion software for mobile phones and the automatic phonetic transcription of spoken languages using neural networks.