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Sino-Tibetan: Part 2 Tibetan

Profile image of Nathan W. HillNathan W. Hill

2014, The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology

https://doi.org/10.13140/2.1.3239.2963
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Abstract

ALTHOUGH there is a fairly wide consensus on the existence of a Sino-Tibetan family of languages, there is considerable disagreement among scholars regarding its exact internal structure and the hierarchical relations between its members (Jacques forthcoming: " van Driem 20ll). Many languages in this family are furthermore not well documented or studied. This chapter will not attempt to address or take a stand on genetic affiliations, but will instead simply outline the derivational morphology of three representative Sino-Tibetan languages: Standard Chinese, standard written or Classical Tibetan, and Rgyalrong, a minority language spoken in Sichuan province, China. Perhaps the most high-profile Sino-Tibetan language besides Chinese and Tibetan is Burmese, the national language of Myanmar, which is, however, not treated in this volume. For detailed information on the morphology of Burmese, see Okell and Allott (2001). For recent overviews of the Sino· Tibetan family, see Thurgood and LaPolla (

Key takeaways

  • Tibetan verbal inflection is complex.
  • Almost all authors ignore the fact that in Tibetan this alternation is part of a larger pattern involving three stems, a voiced intransitive, a voice alternating transitive, and a voiceless transitive (cf.
  • This adjectival and adverbial -e suffix is more characteristic of the spoken dialects and Classical Tibetan influenced by spoken form s; it is seldom met in Old Tibetan (cf.
  • An sis not the only candidate for a 'body part' prefix in Tibetan.
  • None of these proposed prefixes is productive in Tibetan, and they do not form body parts and animals from other words, so are not derivational per se.

Related papers

Family Tree: Tibeto-Burman Languages
Timo Schmitz

2024

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Languages and dialects of Tibeto-Burman
John Lowe

1996

The basic goal of the STEDT project is to collect and evaluate as much lexical and etymological data as possible on the hundreds of Tibeto-Burman languages, the only proven relatives of Chinese. In order to make this vast task feasible -and more interesting -we are proceeding according to semantic field, trying to reconstruct the roots of the proto-lexicon in semantic groups. Ultimately we hope to end up with something approaching a thesaurus of Proto-Sino-Tibetan. The first volume of STEDT, Body-part Nomenclature, is well under way, and will come to some 1500 pages in hard copy. Now that our methodological problems have largely been solved, and our database software has been customized and made more sophisticated, future volumes should appear at an accelerated pace, and are being planned for such semantic areas as animal names, natural objects, kinship terms, numerals, psychological verbs, verbs of manipulation, etc. In addition to this primary etymological effort, the STEDT staff is producing a series of monographs intended to serve as useful reference tools for the field of Sino-Tibetan linguistics as a whole. The first monograph, an extensively indexed bibliography of papers delivered at the annual Sino-Tibetan Conferences, was published in a limited way in 1989 as the Bibliography of the International Conferences on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics I-XXI (LaPolla and Lowe 1989). Dr. John B. Lowe substantially revised and updated the work and a second "Silver Jubilee" edition, current to the 25th conference, was published in 1994 as Bibliography of the International Conferences on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics I-XXV (LaPolla and Lowe 1994). The present work is an update of "Languages and Dialects of Tibeto-Burman, an alphabetic/genetic listing, with some prefatory remarks on ethnonymic and glossonymic complications" in John McCoy and Timothy Light's Contributions to Sino-Tibetan Studies (Leiden: Brill, 1986). A third monograph, Phonological Inventories of Tibeto-Burman Languages, is forthcoming. In the development of this monograph, the first wave of revisions, improvements and complications was carried out by Stephen P. Baron. Laurel Sutton and John B. Lowe also made substantial revisions. Most of the work involved in producing the present version was accomplished by Dr. Lowe during 1993-95, in windows of opportunity sandwiched among his multifarious commitments as student, programmer, and consultant. He received assistance at one time or another from Leela Bilmes, Jonathan Evans, Zev Handel and Matthew Juge. With all these additions and corrections, the language list has become an extraordinarily large and complex document. There surely remain omissions, imperfections and inconsistencies. It is our hope that colleagues will offer their criticisms and corrections so that we may continue to improve the list. We intend to publish a revised edition every few years, and will eventually make the data available for purchase on Macintosh disks and over the World Wide Web.

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An overview of morphology in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan
Guillaume Jacques

Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan, the second largest language family in the world after Indo-European in terms of speakers, is also one of the typologically most diverse families, one of the few containing both isolating and polysynthetic languages (Jacques 2016c, Arcodia & Basciano 2020). There are five ancient languages that are fully understood: Old Chinese (1300 BC), Tibetan (7th century AD), Tangut (11th century AD), Newar and Burmese (12th century AD), to which several Trümmersprachen can be added: Bailang (1st century AD), Pyu (7th century) and Nam. Spoken in a vast area from Baltistan in the West to the Shandong peninsula in the East, and Inner Mongolia in the North down to Burma in the South, Trans-Himalayan comprises about thirty obvious subgroups (van Driem 2005). The most likely outgroup of the family (i.e., the first branch to split off) is Chinese (Zhang et al. 2019, Sagart et al. 2019, Zhang et al. 2020), though the results are not yet entirely conclusive. An obstacle to a family-wide survey of morphology is the absence of a reliable phonological reconstruction (Fellner & Hill 2019b,a): rigorous reconstructions are only available for lower-level subgroups (VanBik 2009, Bodt & List 2019). For this reason, I abstain from providing proto-Trans-Himalayan reconstructions for the affixes discussed in this chapter, and use descriptive terms such as 'sigmatic', 'velar', 'dental' to refer to affixes whose proto-form was likely an alveolar fricative, a velar stop and a dental stop, respectively. Within each section, I present reconstructible morphology, noteworthy grammaticalization patterns, as well as cases of morphological borrowing. Since morphology-rich Trans-Himalayan languages are also highly verbcentered, this chapter devotes five sections to verbal morphology, followed by nominal morphology, ideophones and language contact.

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Rethinking Sino-Tibetan phylogeny from the perspective of North East Indian languages
Mark W. Post, Roger Blench

2014. In N. Hill, and T. Owen-Smith, Eds. Trans-Himalayan Linguistics. Berlin, de Gruyter: 71-104.

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Review: Thurgood, Graham, and Randy LaPolla, eds. The Sino-Tibetan Languages. Second Edition. London and New York: Routledge, 2017. xxx + 1018 pp. ISBN 978-1-138-78332-4. price 300 GBP
George van Driem

Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistic Society, 11 (2): xcviii-cx., 2018

It has been fourteen years since the appearance of the first edition of this compendium of Trans-Himalayan languages. In its second edition, the volume has swollen to encompass 53 chapters. As Simon and Hill (2015: 381) noted, the language family "is known by names including 'Tibeto-Burman', 'Sino-Tibetan' and 'Trans-Himalayan', of which the last is the most neutral and accurate". McColl et al. (2018: 362) put it more succinctly in their Science article, stating simply: "Trans-Himalayan (formerly Sino-Tibetan)". In the very title to this volume, the two editors, Graham Ward Thurgood and Randy John LaPolla, loudly proclaim their adherence to the obsolete and empirically unsupported "Sino-Tibetan" phylogeny, but many of the contributors to this Routledge volume do not themselves subscribe to the same antiquated Indo-Chinese understanding of the language family. Outside of this volume, a good number of the contributing scholars openly abjure this family tree model. Later, we shall examine how the outspoken bias of the two editors pervades the volume in a thorough and more insidious manner than in the first edition. The anthology comprises 44 grammatical sketches, two of which are devoted to dead Trans-Himalayan languages, five survey articles, two editorial pieces, a piece on the Chinese writing system and a discussion of word order. Editorial misrepresentations, the state of the art and Gerber's Law This volume contains many valuable, some truly wonderful and a few problematic instalments, but the Routledge compendium is truly marred by the two editorial pieces authored by Thurgood and LaPolla and positioned at the very beginning of the book. In addition to the two large editorial pieces, the first section also contains a brief study of word order in Trans-Himalayan languages by Matthew Synge Dryer. A volume that purports to present a general overview of the field should dispassionately present different positions held by specialists in that field, and the failure even just once to mention that alternative views exist that are quite at variance with Thurgood and LaPolla's own particular view characterises an unfair comportment on the part of the two editors that is not just unsportsmanlike, but unscholarly and unworthy of our field. For well over a century, the phylogeny of the language family has been a matter of considerable controversy. Yet both editors are careful to cite and quote only such sources as happen to agree with their own model. The empirically unsupported Indo-Chinese taxonomy relentlessly propounded by an ever dwindling number of "true believer" Sino-Tibetanists permeates the very arrangement of the book, and the two editors have even wilfully skewed the contents of the volume in order to fit their obsolete Indo-Chinese family tree. In keeping with this "Sino-Tibetan" conceit, the editors have included six instalments on Sinitic, though the sheer brevity of Dah-an Ho's instalment on Mandarin could reflect a reluctance on the part of its contributor to indulge the paradigm championed by the two editors. Indeed, as already noted, many of the scholars who have contributed to this volume reject the language family tree model touted by the editors. Moreover, the editorial twosome surreptitiously sneak their own "Rung" subgroup into the table of contents, thereby falsely suggesting that this fiction represents a valid taxon within the family. To exacerbate matters, their table of contents incompetently groups Tshangla and Newar as "Bodish" languages.

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Related topics

  • Morphology
  • Tibetan Language
  • Derivational Morphology
    • ROCHELLE THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF ............................................................................................................................................................ DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY ............................................................................................................................................................ Edited by ROCHELLE LIEBER and PAVOLSTEKAUER OXFORD VNIVERSITY PRESS CHAPTER 34 ................. .. ... .............................................. ......... .. .... ............ ......... SINO - TIBETAN .. ........ ... ......................................... ... ... ..... .... ....... .......... ........... .... ... KAR EN STEFFEN CHUNG, NATHAN W. HILL, AND JACKSON T.-S. SUN ALTHOUGH there is a fairly wide consensus on the existence of a Sino-Tibetan family of languages, there is considerable disagreement among scholars regarding its exact internal structure and the hierarchical relations between its members (Jacques forthcoming: " van Driem 20ll). Many languages in this family are furthermore not well documented or studied. This chapter will not attempt to address or take a stand on genetic affiliations, but will instead simply outline the derivational morphology of three representative Sino-Tibetan languages: Standard Chinese, standard written or Classical Tibetan, and Rgyalrong, a minority language spoken in Sichuan province, China. Perhaps the most high-profile Sino-Tibetan language besides Chinese and Tibetan is Burmese, the national language of Myanmar, which is, however, not treated in this volume. For detailed information on the morphology of Burmese, see Okell and Allott (2001). For recent overviews of the Sino· Tibetan family, see Thurgood and LaPolla (2003), van Driem (2003), and Handel (2008). PART 1 STANDARD CHINESE KAREN STEFFEN CHUNG ... " ............. . 34.1 INTROD UCTION Standard Chinese, also called Mandarin Chinese, is the national language of both the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, and one of the official languages of Singapore. It belongs to the Sinitic sub-family of Sino-Tibetan, which includes all Han Chinese dialects. Standard Chinese is based on the Northern Han dialect spoken in and around Beijing. Ethnologue cites a 2000 census giving the number of speakers as 840,000,000 and increasing. 620 KAREN STEFFEN CHUNG, NATHAN W. HILL, AND JACKSON 1'. - 5. SUN 34.7 CONVERSION ................................................................................... . ................. . Conversion is conunon in Chinese. Most content words can easily be used as nouns, and may be preceded by the possessive enclitic particle a<J de, for example il\'l:;'::piaoliang is 'pretty'; ｊｴｬ｡＼ｩｾＧ ｴ｡､･＠ pi/lOHang 'her prettiness: Nouns are often used as adjectives, ｪｔｮｴｩ｡＠ sometimes poetically; one commonly-cited example is ＴＭＷＲ｡＼ｊＳＺＧｾｦＤｉＨ de tiankong duomo XIla "How 'Greece' the sky is today:' suggesting a sky that is a deep Mediterranean blue. Nouns are less often borrowed directly for use as ve rbs; incorporation is preferred-see examples below. In a few cases, tone distinguishes nouns fro m verbs, for example the noun "nail" is pronounced in the first tone jJ dIng, as in jJ 'fdIngzi 'a nail; while the verb "to nail" is pronounced with the fourth tone jJ ding, thus the cognate VO phrase jJjJ 'f ding dIngzi, 'to pound in a nail'; the noun for "drill" is pronounced in the fourth tone: $ zuan, as in lit$dianzuan 'electric drill; while the verb is pronounced in the first tone, zuan $, as in $iIillzuandong 'to drill a hole'; and JJ!tchU, in the fourth tone, is 'place; while JJ!tchii, in the third tone, is 'to be located at/in, to manage: 34.8 INCORPORATION Verbs with an incorporated noun may be literal, for example -f-i5\;shouxI [hand + to wash] 'to hand wash'; § lltmudii [eye + to see] 'to witness with one's own eyes'; ｪ｝ｾ ｭｩ｡ｮｹｬ＠ [face + to discuss] 'to discuss in person, face -to-face'; or metaphorical, like English 'to pinpoint; 'to cherry-pick': ｩＷｊｃｾ ｢ｔｮｧｳｨｩ＠ [ice + to release] 'to melt/dissolve away like ice'; JU.:$l-guafen [melon + to divide] 'to divide up as though cutting a melon, to divvy up, to share the pie'; Ii!!iltJifengyonglyong [bee + to crowd together] 'to swarm' (Chung 2006: 74- 82). For more comprehensive coverage of derivational morphology in Chinese, the reade r is referred to Chao (1968). PART 2 TIBETAN NATHAN W. HILL 34.9 BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. ........................................................................ In the 7th century the Tibetan empire expanded across the Tibetan piateau and eventually throughout Cent ral Asia (Beckwith 1993). In 650 writing was introduced as SINO -TIBETAN 621 an administrative exigency of running an empire (N. W. Hill 201Oe: 110- 12); the earliest extant documents date from a century later. Tibetan linguistic history is con ventionally divided between Old Tibetan (11 th century and earlier) and Classical Tibetan (later texts). Tibetan boasts a vast literature with a wide variety of genres. and the family ofTibetic languages spoken today is comparable in size and diversity to the Romance languages (Tournadre 2008: 282-3). Most researchers see Tibetan as a member of a language family which also includes Burmese and Chinese; this family is known by names including "Tibeto-Burman;' "Sino-Tibetan;' and "TransHimalayan;' of which the last is the most neutral and accurate (cf. van Driem 2012). .. " ... 34. 10 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOSYNTAX " ... , .... , ... , ............. ,........... , .................................................................................................................................. . The Tibetan alphabet distinguishes twenty-nine consonants (k. kh. g. Ii. c. ch. j. fl. t. th o d. n. p. ph. b. m. ts. tsh. dz. w. z. z.l). y. r.l. s. s. h) and five vowels (a. e. i. o. u); the alphabet is a good. but not perfect match to Old Tibetan phonology (cf. Hill20IOC). Syllables are distinguished with explicit punctuation. The limitation of onset clusters to word initial syllables provides a possible definition for a language specific phonemic word; most lexemes so defined would be disyllabic. Old Tibetan did not have tone and the tonal systems of those modern Tibetic languages that possess them derive transparently from segmental phonology. Tibetan has agglutinative morphology and ergative alignment (Tournadre 1996); it exhibits Gruppenflexian. with ten morphological cases (cf. Hill 2012). Tibetan lacks any agreement systems. but verbal suffixes indicate switch reference (Andersen 1987. Zadoks 2000. 2002. Haller 2009). Tibetan verbal inflection is complex. with four verb stems showing a variety of ablaut. stem alternation. prefixes and suffixes (e.g. present bdzin. past bzun. futuregzuli. imperative zuns 'take) . However. the various stems derive from roots through the application of a small number of affixes with subsequent sound changes obscuring the system (cf. Coblin 1976. N. W. Hill20IOa). One of the few components of verbal inflection yet to receive full clarification is an ablaut from -a- to -0- in the past stem ofa handful of verbs (e.g. za. zas. bzab. za. 'ea!') . Following the technique of Meillet (1925: 25) to locate inherited morphology among irregularities. Jacques (2010b. 2012b) sees this -0 - in the past as a fragmentary reflex of an erstwhile'u third-person object agreement suffix also confronted in Rgyalrong and Kiranti; LaPolla (2012) disagrees. Both authors overlook the existence of this pattern in verbs aside from "eat" (e.g. bden. don. -.-'disappear: bchab. bchas. bchab. bcha 'chew. gnaw: lali. 100is. lan.-'finish: cf. Hi1l201Oa: 89.148. 279) · Very little is securely known about Tibetan derivational morphology and it is difficult to determine when a purported derivational affix was productive. Here it is not feasible to describe the morphology of any particular etat de langue. I instead survey the findings of available research on 'Classical Tibetan'. with occasional reference to Lhasa dialect. 622 KAREN STEFFEN CHUNG. NATHAN W. HI LL. AND JACKSON T. -S. SUN 34.11 VOICING ALTE RNAT IO N .......... ................................................. ............................ , Many authors point to the existence of pairs of verbs, an intransitive with a voiced initial (e.g. bbo, bo, - , -'overflow') and a transitive that exhibits voice alternation among its stems (e.g. bbo, phos, dbo, phos 'pour'). There have been attempts to derive the voiced forms from the voiceless (Pulleyblank 1973: 114- 16, Sagart 2006, and Jacques 2012d: 21 516) and vice versa (Bielmeier 1988: '9, Beckwith 1999)· Those who derive the voiced forms from the voiceless point to parallels in cognate languages. For example, Sagart compares Tibetan voicing alternation to voicing alternation in Rgyalrong and Chinese. Rgyalrong has verb pairs in which the transitive member is voiceless and the intransitive member is voiced and pre-nasalized, for example ka -tfop 'to set fire to; ka-nd30P 'to catch fire'; i<!I-kluk 'to wipe off; ka-ljgluk 'to faU: Paralleling the Rgyalrong case and relying on pre nasalization in the pronunciation of Chinese loanwords into Hmong-mien, Sagart reconstructs an 'N- prefix in Chinese that derives voiced intranstive verbs from voiceless intransitives (2006: 64), e.g. ｾ＠ ＧｃＮｫｾｲ･ｰ＠ 'press between; ｾ＠ ＧｎＭｫｾｲ･ｰ＠ 'narrow: Almost all authors ignore the fact that in Tibetan this alternation is part of a larger pattern involving three stems, a voiced intransitive, a voice alternating transitive, and a voiceless transitive (cf. Uray 1953a: 50-1), e.g. ..Jgab (gab, gab, gab, gob) 'hide intr.; ..Jgab (bgebs, bkab, dgab, khob) 'cover tr.; ..Jkebs (khebs, khebs) 'be covered over: The voiceless intransitive appears to derive from the present stem of the voice alternating transitive (cf. Hill 2014). This suggests that the voiced root is primary. 34.12 REDUPLICATIO N ......... ....................................... " .................................................. . Reduplication is used in Tibetan for a variety of functions including emphasis (e.g. sems blon-blon-po 'depressed mind; cf. blon-po 'dull person' Uray 1955: 182), onomatopoeia (e.g. khrun-khrun 'crane, stork'), temporal repetition (e.g. phyir-phyir 'one after another; cf. phyir 'back, behind' Uray 1955: 190), and spatial diversity (e.g. phyogs-phyogs-su 'to different quarters; cf. phyogs 'direction' cf. Uray 1955: 191). Reduplication is more characteristic of the modern languages than of Old or Classical Tibetan. Uray (1955) gives a thorough treatment of phenomena in the published dialectology of his day. Robin and Viltrant (2007) discuss reduplication in Lhasa dialect. Zhang (1985) examines one type of reduplicated word in Lhasa Tibetan in detail.' 2 The only common usage in Classical Tibetan is seen not in nominal derivation but in verbal inflection: a reduplicated nominalized verb followed by -las indicates an interrupted action. e.g. de-flas bya-,iati-pa kun -tu bpllur-iifi tshol-tshol-ba-Ias l skyed-mos-tshal de-na rgyal-bubi skad grags-nas 'While the duck. flying everywhere, was searching [for himl. the voice of the prince was heard in the park' (Uray 1955: 195 , cf. N. W. HLil 2010b: 255-7)· SINO- TIB ETAN 623 34.13 COMPOUNDING Tibetan exhibits a healthy variety of compounds (Beyer 1992: 104, Hahn 1997, Volkart 2003); examples exist to fit m ost of the categories known from Sanskrit (Dvandvas: ra-Iug 'goats and sheep: Karmadhliraya: dkar-khun 'window' lit. 'white-hole: Dvigu: gsU/is-/lbum 'collected works' lit. 'word-too,ooo: ｔ｡ｴｰ ｵ ｲｵｾ｡Ｚ＠ sbran-rtsi 'honey' lit. 'bee-juice: Bahuvrrhi: dri-bzan 'saffron' 'lit. smell-good'). Disyllabic words are often shortened to monosyllables when they enter into compound (e.g. yi-ge 'letter, writing: chen-po 'big: lag-pa 'hand' vs. bod-yig'Tibetan written language: blon-chen 'prime minister: lag-rtsal 'handicraft'). Some elements are so frequent and of such generalized meaning in compounds as to be identified as suffixes (e.g. bdag-po 'lord: sa-bdag 'local spirit: lit. 'earth-lord: sbyin-bdag 'patron: lit. 'give-lord' cf. Beyer 1992: 120). The noun mkhan-po 'abbot, expert: seen in Sin-mkhan 'carpenter: and bzo-mkhan 'artisan: becomes a productive agentive suffix in Lhasa Tibetan that even operates at the clause level (Den wood 1999: 229). Honorific body part terminology is used in compounds as modifiers to form honorifics. Thus, skra 'head hair' in compound with dbu 'head (han.)' becomes dbu-skra 'head hair (han.)' and ial 'mouth (han.)' in compound with dkar-yol 'teacup' becomes ialdkar 'teacup (ha n. )' (Beyer 1992: 156- 7; Denwood 1999: 95 - 8). This strategy for form ing honorifics is common in the Classical language and remains productive in Lhasa Tibetan. The choice of honorific prefix is highly lexicalized. 34.14 AFFIXATION Most of Tibetan derivational morphology is affixal; there is a causative denominative prefix s- in the ve rbal system and a va riety of suffixes occur in nominal derivation. 34.14.1 Causative and Denominative s- Prefix The most conspicuous derivational affix in the Tibetan verbal system is a causative and denominative 5- prefix (Conrady 1896). A non-causative verb is paired with a causative verb; the two verbs share a root, but the causative verb is prefixed by 5- (e.g. Ian 'rise: sian 'raise: cf. Chang 1971, Beyer 1992: 116- 17, Gyurme 1992: 258- 61). Before voiced laterals s- appears orthographically as z- (e.g. 10 'report n.: zlo 'report v., say: cf. Hahn 1999: 124). In some cases r- appears in place of 5- (e.g. nil 'decay: rnil 'destroy'); the reasons fo r this variation are not understood. There is also a complication in verbs with root initial b-; while normally the prefix s- does not affect the initial b- (e.g. " byan 'be cleansed:"sbyan 'cleanse') in rare cases the causative member of the pair has sp- rather than sb- (e.g. " bub 'be upside down: " spub 'invert') . VOicing al ternation interacts with 624 KAREN ST EFFEN C H UNG. N ATHA N W. HILL. AND JA C KSO N T.-S. SUN the 5- prefix to sometimes yield a wide variety of verbs ultimately deriving from the same root, for example " gail (gan, gan) 'fill intr.; " gail (/lgens, bkan, dgan, khon) 'fill tr.; " kens (kh ens, khens ) 'be full; " sgail (sgali, bsgans, bsgan, sgons) 'grow, become full; " skail (skon, bskans. bskan, skons) 'complete, fulfill : The 5- prefix is also used to form verbs from nouns (e.g. nag 'speech, talk, word; " snag 'praise, recommend') .' Regamey (1946- 7: 28, note 4), Bielmeier (1988: 18), and Nishida (1994: 4) regard the 5- causative prefix in Tibetan as productive into the historical period; they offer no evidence in favor of this conclusion. There is some controversy concerning what phenomena in Chinese to compare to Tibetan so. Baxter and Sagart (2012) reconstruct ' s- in Old Chinese for such pairs as ｾ＠ ' q'ak 'speak brusquely; and ｾ＠ 's-q I'ak-s 'complain, accuse; '!!Ii 't'aq 'have the value of, rank with;]fIj ' s-taq 'estimate (v,): In contrast, Mei (2012) employs a Chinese 's- prefix to explain the same pairs for which Sagart reconstructs 'N- (vide supra). Thus, where Sagart reconstructs 'I' ' truqs 'hit the center' and 1'1' 'N-truq -s 'be in the middle; Mei reconstructs 'I' ' s-drjgngws and 1'1' ' drjgngws (cf. Handel 2012: 62, 70 ). Phenomena in other languages that have been compared to Tibetan 5- usually consist of voiced and voiceless pairs of verbs, such as Lolo bi 55 'come out; pisS 'cause to come out; Lahu d,," 'drink; t,," 'give to drink; and Burmese prat 'be cut in two; phrat'cut in two' (Mei 2012: 6 et passim). Since Tibetan and Rgyalrong exhibit both voicing alternation and 5- prefixation (Jacques 2012d: 215), efforts to credit voicing alternation in related languages to a 's- prefix are unmotivated. 34.14.2 Suffixes Suffixes are characteristic of nominal derivation. Identifiable nominal suffixes include the segmental suffixes - 5, on, and -d, the suffixes indicating gender -pa, -rna, -po, -mo, a diminutive -bu, the productive suffixes -can and -Mid, and the more rarely occurring suffixes -ka, -so, -yas, -a, and -e;there is also a different suffix -e used to form adverbs. 34.14.2.1 Nominal Suffix-s Conrady (1896: 43) points to instances in which -s derives nouns from verbs, citing the pairs such as " \lgro 'go' and /lgros 'gait; or " lug 'pour' and lugs 'mold, casting: Relying particularly on pairs such as khwi 'hole; khwis 'mine; khan 'inside; khons 'middle, midst; Simon (1941: 38 8) suggests that the suffix -5 derives from the noun sa 'place'; Beyer repeats this suggestion (199 2: 118), but "this etymology does not seem well motivated in most of the cases" (Uebach and Zeisler 2008: 309), and more importantly Simon's proposal is an error of methodology, confuSing diachrony and synchrony. The source of one element of a synchronic system cannot be another element in the same synchronic system. Instead, the source of an element from one stage of a language must be sought in a preceding stage. The shep- in 'shepherd' 3 Emmerick (1983: 68) gives the remarkable counterexample srubs 'a seam', ..JOdrub 'sew' where the noun occurs with the s- prefix, and the verb without. SINO -TIBETAN 625 does not derive from the word 'sheep: but rather from the Old English word scaep 'sheep' as it developed in compound with hierde 'herder: Denwood (1986) points to a number of pairs of words to argue for a different -s suffix with a 'collective meaning' (e.g. mam 'individual: mams 'plural marker'; cha 'part: chas 'things). Uebach and Zeisler (2008: 309) identify three uses of -so (1) a collective suffix, (2) a resultative suffix, (3) a suffix that builds abstract nouns. Although they collect philological attestations of -s suffixed to the second member of compounds, they do not clearly present evidence for each of these three functions. They appear to believe that the use of -s with nominal compounds is either abstract or collective in words such as rje-blas 'official service'" and y;g-tshans 'insignia of rank: whereas the -5 is 'resultative' when the second member of the compound is an adjective in such compounds as khan-bzans 'good house' and lag-rins 'long arms:' Uebach and Zeisler (2008: 321) connect this "resultative" use of -s with adjectives to the past stem suffix -s of the verbal system. The number of -s suffixes in Tibetan and their functions remains beset with controversy. Chinese also has an *-s suffix of controversial use. Downer (1959) identifies eight different functions. Schuessler (1985) argues that these proceed from a single category "inversion" comparable to the passive or middle voice in Indo-European languages (e.g. 1SIG *?uj 'awe-inspiring' and t!l: *'Iuj-s 'fear v:); Mei (2012) argues for the primacy of a perfective meaning of *-s in Chinese as seen in the pair j{Jj. *Ca-m-tron 'transmit' and j{Jj. *m-tron-s 'what has been transmitted: an analysis that supersedes his earlier proposal for nominalization (e.g. A *nap 'enter' and fi'l *n ｾ｡ｰＭｳ＠ 'inside') and a change from an "endodirectional" verb (N ｩｬｊｭｉｾＩ＠ to a "exodirectional" verb ＨＵＧｈｴ｝ｭｉｊｾＩ＠ (e.g. 'Il! Ｊ ｭ ｾｲ｡ｪ＿＠ 'buy' and ｊＡｬＪ ｭｾｲ｡ｪ＿ Ｍｳ＠ 'sell') as the two primary functions (Mei 1980, cf. Sagart 1999: 131- 2). Jacques (2003) compares both Chinese and Tibetan -s to an -s suffix in Rgyalrong, the primary function of which he sees as nominalization. 34.14.2.2 Nominal-n and -d In some cases a noun is formed from a verb through the addition of an -n suffix C.Jrgyu 'move, wander; rgyun 'flow, current. stream'; ..Jgci 'urinate: gcin 'urine: cf. Beyer 199 2: 117).' In other cases a noun is formed from a verb through the addition of a -d suffix (.Jdro 'become warm: drod 'warmthh'; " na 'be ill', nad 'illness: cf. Beyer 1992: 117). Lalou (1953) links these two formations by pointing to an alternation between -n and -d in the spelling of single words, for example chen!ched 'big: gsid/gsin 'death: Some verbal roots participate in several forms of nominal derivation (e.g. " Ita 'look at: Itad-mo 'spectacle: Itas 'omen'; "rga 'be old: rgad-pa 'old man: rgan-rna 'old woman: " In their survey of previous scholarship on rje-blas Uebach and Zeisler (2008) fail to notice Schuessler (1998). 5 Walter and Beckwith (2010: 293 note 7) suggest an analysis of rdo-rills 'stele' as 'eternal stone' rather than for 'long stone: It is not dear to me how they would interpret lag-rilis 'long hands' or rkan-rins 'long legs: 6 Simon also draws attention to examples where the bases are not verbs but rather locational terms ya, yan 'above: pha, phml 'beyond: tsllu. tshun 'hither' (1941: 373)· 626 KA REN STEFFEN CHUNG. N AT HA N W. HILL . AN D JAC KSON T - S. SUN rgas-ka 'old age'). Such examples hold the most promise to elucidate the sema ntics of the various types of nominalization. Sagart (1999: 135) points to a limited number of potential examples of a suffix *-n in Chinese (e.g. liP; *Da'i 'speak: j'j- *Dan 'speak; speech'). Geilich (1994) discusses further examples of -n in Tibetan, Chinese, Lepcha, Lushai, and Tiddim Chin. 34.14.2.3 The Suffixes -pa, -rna, -po, and -mo The suffix -pa forms a noun from another noun, meaning 'associated with N' (e.g. rta 'horse; rta-pa 'horseman; yi-ge 'letter; yi-ge-pa 'one who holds a letter of office; cf. Beyer 1992: 117) . When suffixed to cardinal numbers this suffix forms ordinals (e.g. gsum 'three; gsum-pa 'third'; bcu 'ten; bcu-pa 'tenth')! This suffix -pa can be distinguished from a verbal noun suffix -pa/- ba, because the verbal noun suffix undergoes sandhi acco rding to the preceding phoneme (e.g. byed-pa 'doer' vs. bya-ba 'task.'), but the -pa denominal noun suffix does not undergo this sandhi. A word like skyes-pa 'human' is ambiguous; it could be an application of -pa/- ba to the verb " skye 'be born' or the suffix -pa to the noun skyes 'birth: Furthermore, in words such as rgyal-ba 'victor; the ve rbal noun suffix -pal-ba has a semantic function parallel to the suffix -pa, suggesting that the two may ultimately be of a single origin. The suffix -pa is comparable to the Chinese suffix ;k. *-pa, of similar function, thus 83 Ｊ Ｑｾｩｄ＠ 'field' yields 83;k. *1' iD-pa, which is directly comparable to Tibetan tin 'field' and t in-pa 'farmer' (cf. LaPolla 2003: 27); another instance of the suffix in Chinese is the word f!e.;k. *!)a-pa 'fisherman: In Tibetan the suffix -pa coincides with the noun pha 'father' and the noun suffix -rna similarly coincides wi th the noun ma 'mother: Pairs of words such as nan-pa 'gander' and nan-rna 'goose' suggest that 'male' and 'female' are the etymological meanings of these two suffixes. The pair ra 'goat' and ra-ma 'nanny-goat' shows that -ma can indicate the feminine of a species even when the default term does not end in -pa. However, many nouns end with -ma, which either have no identifiable gender or even normally have a masculine referent (e.g. rkun-ma 'thief; bla-ma 'guru'). A rather specialized productive function of -ma is its use to mean 'book associated with a place: Thus, the Zans-glin-ma was discovered in the Zans-glin chapel at Bsam-yas monastery, and the Bka/l-chems ka khol ma is a testament (bka/l-chems) found inside a hole (khol) in a pillar (ka). This use in book titles and Buddhist coinages such as bla-ma 'guru' and mkha/l-/lgro-ma '\lakinI' suggest that -ma was still productive into the Classical period. The noun suffixes -po and -mo are also used to distinguish male and female. There are straightforward minimal pairs such as grogs-po 'male friend; and grogs-rna 'female friend: The three words rgyal-ba 'victor; rgyal-po 'king; and rgyal-mo 'queen' show the suffixes -po and -rna contrasting with the verbal noun suffix -pa/-ba. The suffix -po is also used in the irregular ordinal number dan-po 'first' (cf. gcig 'one'). The pair kho-bo 'I (male speaker)' and kho-mo 'I (female speaker)' shows that -po at times occurs as 1 When suffixed to gcig 'one' it yieldsgcig-pa 'unitary. same' rather than 'first: SINO-TIBETAN 627 -ba. This form of the suffix also occurs inja-ba 'lord' (cf. jo-ma lady') and ri-bo 'mountain' (ri-ma 'picture' is unrelated etymologically). It would be tempting to say that -ba occurs after open syllable roots, but one encounters counterexamples such as byed-papo 'agent.' When suffixed to adjectives the distinction between -po and -rna, rather than indicating gender, distinguishes a concrete and metaphorical use of the adjective, thus chen-po means 'big, large' and chen-rna means 'great, grand: Because authors prefer to be known for writing great books rather than big books, titles such as Lam-rim chen-rna 'Great Stages on the Path (to Enlightenment)' is a context where chen-rna is often met. Accordin g to Beyer words ending in -pa or -pa/-ba tend to form a feminine equivalent with -rna and words wi th -po to form a feminine equivalent with -rna, whereas nouns ending in "neither will idiosyncratically select one formative or the other, although there appears to be some tendency for native Tibetan words to select -mo and for borrowed expressions and neologisms to select -ma" (beyer 1992: 125); Beyer does not substantiate this elegant description. 34.14.2.4 The Suffixes -can and -nid Perhaps the two most productive formative suffixes in Classical Tibetan are -can 'possessed of' (Beyer 1992: 121) and -fiid '-ness' (Beyer 1992: 119). Both suffixes occur frequently in Buddhist terminology, for example sems 'mind' vs. sems-can 'sentient being (lit. possessed of a mind)' and stan-pa 'empty' vs. stan-pa-fiid 'emptiness: 34.14.2.5 The Diminutive -bu, -l)u, etc. The noun bu 'son, child' suffixed to a noun forms a diminutive (e.g. khron-pa 'a well; khran -bu 'a small well; bum-pa 'water pot; bum-bu 'small water pot; cf. Uray 1952: 185)· The dimi nutive can add an unpredicted element of meaning (e.g. rfig-pa 'testicles; rfig-bu 'scrotum; cf. Uray 1952: 185). In some cases the non-diminutive form is unattested or the diminutive derives from a verb stem (e.g. " dril 'turn; dril-bu 'bell; " tor 'th row; thar-bu 'fragments, miscellanea). Often the suffix assimilates to the preceding final consonant, nal-Iu ' illegitimate child; gian-nu 'young person' (Uray 1952: 185- 6). After open syllables the -b- weakens to -/1- [¥], and the vowel -a- ablauts to -e- (e.g. spra 'ape', spre/1u 'monkey, rta ' horse', rte/1u 'colt, mare', cf. Uray1952: 186). Sporadically the [¥] subsequently strengthened to, or was respelled as -g- (e.g. bu-gu 'small boy; gri-gu 'small knife; cf. Uray 1952: 187) . Spellings such as sa-/1an for sa-bon 'seed' and sa-ge for so-be 'lie, falsehood' are evidence outside of the suffix -bu for interchange among -b-, -/1-, and -g- (cf. Hill 2011b). 34.14.2.6 Other Nominal Suffixes: -ka, -yas, -so, -a, -e There are a number of additional nominal suffixes in Tibetan for which the evidence is more slim. A number of nouns end in -ka, -kha, or -ga (e.g. stan-ka 'autumn', ien-kha 'breadth, width; cf. Beyer 1992: 133-134) in some cases this morpheme seems analyzable as a derivational suffix (e.g. than 'fl at, field; than-ka 'painting'). Suffixed to cardinal numbers -ka functions like' -some' in English (e.g. gfiis-ka 'both, twosome; gsum-ka 628 KAREN STEFFEN C H UNG. NAT H AN W. HIL L. AND JA CKSON T. -S. SUN 'threesome'). Insufficiently distinguishing diachrony and synchrony, Beyer (1992: 133) proposes to derive this suffix from the word kha 'mouth: Beyer (1992: 122) offers several examples of the suffix -yas '-les": bgran 'number: bgran-yas 'numberless: rnthab 'end, border, limit: rnthab-yas 'endless: dpag 'measure: dpag-yas 'measureless: gi al 'weight, measure: gi al-yas 'infinite: The name of Tibet's first monastery, Bsam-yas 'inconceivable; is another instance of the suffix. Simon (1941: 386) points to a suffix -so that appears to derive nouns from nouns Or verbs in a very limited number of examples (e.g. nan-so 'hell: /:Ikhrul-so 'mistake' vs. nan 'bad: ;fkrul 'be mistaken') . It is necessary to recognize a suffix -a in order to account for certain lexical doublets, bug, bu-ga 'hole: chog, cho-ga 'ritual' (cf. Simon 1941: 386, LaPolla 2003: 25) . In examples such as dar-ba, dar-ra 'buttermilk' and i al-ba, t al-Ia 'clay' it seems there is not in fact a suffix -a, but rather an assimilation of the suffix -ba to the final consonant of the preceding syllable. However, an example like ;f btag 'weave: tha-ga-pa 'weaver' would be difficult to anal yze without such a suffix. Similar reasoning requires a suffix -e in the analysis ofthe pair yig, yi-ge 'letter: 34.14.2.7 The Adjectival and Adverbial Suffix -e Uray (1953: 232-3) identifies a -e suffix that forms adjectives and adverbs from ve rbal and nominal roots; examples include khrigs-se 'plentiful' from the verb ;fkrig 'cohere: log-ge 'groundless, false' from the verb ;flog 'reverse: and /:Ibol-Ie 'easily, quietly' from bbol-po 'soft,smooth'. Other nominal suffixes may be applied subsequent to -e, yielding words such as sdug-ge-ba 'the state of being somewhat pleasing' from sdug-pa 'attractive, agreeable' and che-ge-rno 'such a one' from gcig 'one' (Uray 1953: 235-6). This adjectival and adverbial -e suffix is more characteristic of the spoken dialects and Classical Tibetan influenced by spoken form s; it is seldom met in Old Tibetan (cf. Uray1953: 240) . 34.14.3 Circumfixes and Infixes Tibetan has only one circumfix of rather restricted employment. A collective meaning 'children of' is applied to certain kinship terms by prefixing an 5 - and suffixing a -d: pha 'father', pha-spad 'father and children'; rna 'mother: rna -srnad 'mother and children'; khu 'uncle: skud-po 'brother-in-law: Although they do not quite follo w the pattern the three words phu 'elder brother: spun 'sibling: and span-spun 'brother's relatives' also merit mentioning in this context (cf. Nagano 1994: 110- ll). Gong proposes a palatal infix with honorific meaning ( [1977]2002), the res ults of which are most conspicuous after velars, skarn 'dry: skyern 'be thirsty' (han.). In other contexts the infix -y- is only clear if one bears in mind certain changes in Tibetan historical phonology, for example dugs 'light, kindle; i ugs < 'dyugs 'fire' (han.) (cf. Gong [1977 ] 2002, Hill20lla). SINO -TIB ETAN 629 34.15 DUBIOUS INH ERIT ED PREFIXES ................... ... ..... , .................................. ........... , ....................................................................................................... . Previous authorities discuss a number of 'animal' and 'body part' prefixes. Conrady (1896: 40 ) compares Tibetan s- to a sa- prefix in Lepcha, which occurs in several animal names, for example sahu 'monkey; and sary6m 'otter; to which he compares Tibetan sram 'otter:' Benedict (1972: 106) believes that "with words for parts of the body and animals" s- derives from "'sya 'flesh; animal' " (1972: 106), his reconstruction for the ancestor of Tibetan sa 'meat, deer: For body parts Benedict points to skra 'hair; siiiil 'heart; sna 'nose; and so 'tooth; and for animals sram 'otter' and sig 'louse' (1972: 106- S, also cf. Beyer 1992: 115). Chang Kun (1972: 336) rejects Benedict's prefix as "a dubious proposiｴｩｯｮ ｾ＠ Languages other than Tibetan present more direct evidence for a sibilant 'flesh' prefix. The Burmish language Atsi has a fulllexeme syoll 'flesh; which reduces to si l in compounds (e.g. sjl_cu 31 'fat meat,' sjl _mau JS 'body hair, fur,' sil_mill 'tail: cf. Lustig 2010, vol. II: 335- 7, 354). Baxter and Sagart (2012: 45) find an exponent of a putative 'sya 'flesh' prefix in Chinese with the pair frJ ' ts' ik 'joint of bamboo' and M's-tsik 'knee: An s- is not the only candidate for a 'body part' prefix in Tibetan. Laufer (1914: 109) suggests that the "prefix m- appears in connection with words denoting organs of the body;' giving examples such as mehin-pa 'liver; mehe-ba 'tusk; and meher-pa 'spleen: Shafer (1938: 17) identifies this prefix with the word mi 'person: despite Wolfenden's (1928: 2789, cf. Beyer 1992: 114) previous rejection of this association. Shafer (193S: 13) retai ns mehe-ba 'tusk' as an example despite the infrequency with which humans bear tusks; Shafer and Beyer include mjug 'hind, tail; which Beyer redefines as 'buttocks' to appear more human. Taking another liberty, Shafer and Beyer give mtshan 'genitals' as a further example of an m- 'human body' prefix, even though this meaning is a special ized use of the word 'sign, Signifier: occurring in the compounds mo-mtshan 'sign of the female' and pho-mtshan 'male Signifier: Wolfenden is probably correct that the "m- forms show far too widely sundered se nses for the prefix to have ever functioned as an index ofmental association" (1928: 279). Jacques proposes the alternative 'animal' and 'body part' prefixes g- and d- respecti vely (200S: 53- 4 ). In support of theg- "animal" prefix he compares Japhug Rgyalrong qa-Ijalf 'eagle: qa-;o, 'sheep; and qro 'ant' with Tibetan glag, g.yail, and grog-mo of the same meanings. In the case of the body part prefix d- Jacques does not present direct Tibetan cognates but cites the Japhug words tlu-mtshi 'liver' and tw-mkhe 'neck' in support for analysing a d- prefix in the Tibetan words gdoil 'face; dbu 'head: and dpuil 'back' (200S: 57). It is unlikely that Tibetan has three body part prefixes s-, m-, and d-, and two animal prefixes s- and g-. None of these proposed prefixes is productive in Tibetan, and they do 8 The Lepcha prefix occurs in several animal names (saka 'deer: sacdk 'leopard: etc.). but the only potential example in a body part is sagrek 'throat, intestine' (Plaisier 2007: 239). 630 KARE N STEFFEN C H U NG . NATHAN W. HILL. AN D JAC KSON T.-S. SUN not form body parts and animals from other words, so are not derivational per se. Such proposals require more methodological reflection. A similar approach to English would likely yield an h- 'human body part' prefix in the English words 'hand: 'hair: 'head: 'heart: 'hip: and 'heel.' Similarly, an additional Tibetan r- 'animal' and 'body part' prefix could be proposed on the basis of rkati 'leg: rna 'nose: and rkyan 'wild ass: 34. 16 G H OST A FFI XE S Wolfenden (1928: 277> cf. 1929: 30) points to the verb mtia/l 'to have: mkhyen 'know' and mgu 'be glad' as examples of an "inactive intransitive" m- prefix. Matisoff(2003: 89) similarly sees an opposition "between inner-directed or stative verbs" with m- and "transitive or outer directed or causative verbs" with 5-. Sagart (2006) attempts to link Tibetan m- with Chinese 'N-, a prefix that forms intransitive verbs out oftransitive verbs that he also links to Tibetan voicing alternation (see Section 34.14.1).' However, it is a mistake to associate m- with intransitives; Snellgrove (1954: 199) draws attention to such transitive examples as mthon 'see', mchod 'honor: and mdzad 'do' (cf. Hill 2009: 175). If m- has any morphological function in Tibetan it remains obscure. Many authors posit a -d suffix causative (Conrady 1896: 45, Laufer 1914: 62, R6naTas 1985: 178, Beyer 1992: 176, LaPolla 2003: 24, Matisoff 2003: 457-88); this is a mistake which results from confusing the -d present tense suffix in some transitive paradigms with derivation (Hill 2009: 176). Thus, in the pair of /lgye, gyes, bgye, 'be dispersed' and bgyed, bkyes, dgye, khyes 'disperse' the -d suffix is an inflectional suffix and not a causative formative. LaPolla (2012: 12) posits a ' -t transitivizing suffix as a 'distinctive feature' of Sino-Tibetan; whether or not pairs such as Rawang DuJ 'weep' and DllIt 'mourn, cry for' (LaPolla 2003: 24), Kachin mani 'laugh' and manit 'laugh at' (Benedict 1972: 101), or Limbu -S.?D- 'be done (food)' and -S.? Dd- 'cause to become done (food)' (van Driem 1987: 249- 67) warrant the reconstruction of such an affix, Tibetan does not support it. PART 3 RGYALRONG JACKSON T. -S. 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