This study was undertaken at the suggestion of the Superintendent of the Reformatory for Women, Miss Lena C. Ross, who has found that repeaters or recidivists were becoming an increasing problem in that institution. It was strongly suspected that many of these women were subnormal mentally and that the delinquencies which brought them to the institution time after time were at least partly due to this low mentality. It seemed that they should be treated more as hospital cases than as criminals, and that it would be desirable to make a series of mental tests as a basis for any appropriate recommendations.

What should the State do about these women if they were found to be low grade mentally ? This is a question which belongs to others than the Eugenics Survey to answer. One suggestion is that the ample space and accommodations at the Rutland Reformatory make it possible to care for a number of these women as permanent patients, if some arrangement could be made for their commitment under indeterminate sentence so that they might be kept at the Reformatory until it should seem safe and wise to release them on parole or by discharge.

The purpose of this study was primarily to ascertain the mental levels of the group of women at the Reformatory. Though for many good reasons it was decided not to go into the social history of each individual at this time, sufficient material of interest was secured to make it seem worth while to include it in the report.

The study was extended over a period of several months so that a representative cross-section of the group coming to the Reformatory was gained. One or more interviews were held with each woman and a psychological test given each. The Stanford Revision of the Binet-Simon scale was used.

Afterwards the material was treated as mass data. Though the value of detailed case studies was fully recognized, it was considered that mass treatment furnished the information which this study primarily sought, namely, what the characteristics common to this group were, particularly as regards mental capacity. It was of interest to note also whether the group differed in any aspect outside of present criminality from the general run of the female population.

The group at Rutland Reformatory is a small one, numbering fifty-three in all. The women are of all ages from 16 to 51 years. With the older ones it is a question to what extent their well-established habits can be changed, so that they may be trusted to assume the responsibilities expected of them by any community. But half the group is under 30 years of age, 21 percent even under 20 years. For these there is still a long future to make or to mar. Careful diagnosis and treatment may do much to undo years of unfavorable early environment, and to prepare them to adjust harmoniously to the social group.

Only a very small percentage of the women have been committed for a major offense. The following table shows the nature of the present offense for which they have been committed.

Sex offenses stand out as constituting the largest percentage. Of offenses of any group. A study that was available, made at Bedford Hills, the New York State Reformatory for Women, showed this same large percentage of sex offenses there, 62.5 percent of the offenses being those against chastity. Offenses against property rights constitute the next largest group, and again the two Reformatories show similar results, 18.8 percent at Rutland compared to 16.7 percent at Bedford Hills.

Sixteen of the women, or 30.2 percent, have been committed before, sometimes two and three times. Ten of these are now back serving their full sentence because of breach of parole. Ten of the sixteen are sex offenders. To those in charge at the institution it sometimes seems as if these sex offenders are released only to return in a short time, either pregnant or having borne illegitimate children during their short period of freedom.

These recidivists are the women-concerning whom particularly the question has been raised whether the sentences given are long enough for the treatment needed to prepare them for reassuming the responsibilities and social standards demanded of its members by any community.

The greatest percentage of sentences are for less than three years. In some instances, at least, it would seem that a longer time might be needed to reestablish acceptable social habits. It may be a question whether it is any more humane to grant a woman liberty before she is "socially well" than it would be to dismiss a patient from a hospital before he is physically able.

It would have been of considerable interest to learn in detail the early environment of the members of the group. But it was not expedient to do so. Enough, however, was learned to judge that many of the women had come from homes which in one or more respects were below the average. On the other hand, several had come from good homes.

The school histories of these women throw some light on educational standards. Two of the women received no formal education. One completed high school. The largest number reached either grades five or seven.

The law in Vermont states that every child shall attend school till he has completed the eighth grade, or is sixteen years of age. Only 17 percent of the Reformatory group actually completed the eighth grade or more. Granted that a number lacked the mental capacity to go so far, only 32 percent continued to attend school till they were 16 years of age. As a matter of fact, 21.2 percent left school between the ages of 10 and 12. The median age, however was barely 15 years. A few received full advantages of schooling, but did not have the ability to make much advancement. Criminologists disagree as to whether or not there is any particular correlation between criminality and educational attainment. Be that as it may, it is apparent that the schooling received by most of our group does not measure up to the standards which we now consider as the barest minimum of school training necessary as a preparation for meeting the demands of later life.

The bearing of our whole economic order on the cause of crime is a matter of great importance, and of considerable contention. Some hold that it is the most outstanding cause of crime, others, that it is of but little real significance. The economic system is undoubtedly responsible‐‐but just to what extent is difficult to determine. Our study was too limited to contribute in any way, but it seemed of interest to note the prevailing type of work done by the members of the Reformatory group.

By far the greatest number of women are found in domestic and hotel work. As a matter of fact, domestic work seemed basic for practically all the women. According to the U. S. Census, only 6.9 percent of the women gainfully employed in the State of Vermont are engaged in domestic work; only 17.8 percent are in restaurant and hotel work. But 51 percent of the Reformatory group are in these occupations. The second largest number are in factory work, but here the proportion to the general population is better balanced, 24.5 percent of the delinquents being in this work compared to 23.1 percent of the gainfully employed females in the State.

Extensive studies made of the occupations of delinquent women have shown that the largest number are to be found in domestic and hotel work. It seems to draw the mass of unskilled women of which the Reformatory group is a part, and it presents more opportunities for petty thieving and for meeting men than do many other occupations where supervision is greater. We seem to demand of those among this unskilled group, who are undeveloped mentally or emotionally, the ability to resist the temptations which this work presents.

One of the matters of serious concern related to the commitment of these women is the question of what becomes of the families of the mothers in the group. Forty of the women, or 75.5 percent, are married; five, or 9.4 percent, are divorced; while only eight, or 15.1 percent, are single. There are 154 children belonging to these women, an average of 2.9 children to each woman. But as seven of the married women are childless, and seven of the eight single have had no children, the 154 children are the offspring of 39 of the women, an average of 3.9 children to each. The families range in size from one to eleven children. The average size of these families is probably not any larger than that usual to this class of the general population. But since we must guard the future as well as care for the present, our deepest concern is to help these children who are deprived of the most important social influence in life, a good home. It is left so much to chance what will become of them. Table IV shows how these children are being cared for at present.

All of these children are either in broken homes or cared for by others than their own family. When we consider the number of maladjustments of adult life that can be traced back to unfavorable early environment and broken homes, it would seem that most of these children are handicapped from the start in being well trained to meet some of the difficult situations of later life. Looked at solely from the point of view of cost‐‐the fact that 29.3 percent of these children are cared for by public and private organizations, suggests something of the cost that these delinquent women are to the State above that of their mere upkeep at the Reformatory.

The relation between mental capacity and criminality is of much importance. Some authorities consider it the important factor in determining crime; others, that it is only one of many. After many careful studies, the prevailing conception now seems to be that variation in mental capacity is found among criminals in about the same ratio as among the general population. Among certain crimes only, does mental capacity tend to be lower than the average, and these are crimes such as petty thieving and sex delinquency which require but little forethought and into which individuals easily influenced are led. It is well to bear in mind that one factor in lowering the average of mental capacity of a reformatory group is that only the less clever ones "get caught."

Only fifty-one of the women at Rutland were given satisfactory psychological tests. Two showed such psychopathic tendencies that it was not considered fair to judge their ratings on an intelligence test.

If we accept Terman's estimate that the average adult age in the general population is 14 years, possibly 16, we find that the Reformatory women do not measure up very favorably to this standard.

Their mental ages range from 7 to 16 years as follows:

Only 5.9 percent measure up to the average adult age of 14 to 16 years. Comparing their intelligence quotients with Terman's classification the results are as Table V shows.

The women measure somewhat lower in intelligence than did a group of 447 delinquent women in institutions in New York State, of whom an extensive study was made. Our group is too small for making any fair comparison with such a large one‐‐ and it may represent a more selected body of the general population. The difficulty is in making any comparison with the intelligence of the general adult population. The best sampling available of this is that of Binet-Simon tests given to random groups of the army during the war. Even here, however, the groups were somewhat selective. In the New York study a comparison between the army group and the delinquent women of the State was made. It seemed of interest to compare with this the group of delinquent women of Vermont. Table VI shows how the mental ages of the two groups of delinquent women compare. It also shows how these two groups compare with the army group which represents best the mental capacity of the general population.

Table VII shows the relation found among the group between mental capacity and nature of offense. Though sex offenders and offenders against the person show lower mental ability than do the offenders against property, family, and government regulations, yet the number of women tested is too small to make any point about such comparisons.

There is no striking difference either between the intelligence quotient of recidivists and first offenders‐‐the average intelligence of the recidivists being 67.1 compared with 69.2 for the first offenders.

A closer relationship is found between the intelligence quotient and grades attained at school, though the grades attained by some would denote that the degree of mental inefficiency could not have been fully realized in school.

It is of interest to know the relations between the mental capacity of the Reformatory women and the kind of work at which they were most usually employed, to see if those of marked difference in intelligence gravitated to different types of work. From Table VIII it is plain that those women usually found in domestic, hotel and restaurant work are of lower mental capacity than the others. They are, then, not only the most unskilled but also the most poorly endowed mentally, and they represent the largest group in the Reformatory.

When we note the low intelligence quotient of those at home and in schools and institutions, it would seem that there is one very good reason for their being unemployed.

There is practically no relation between the kind of work done and the grade attained at school. The mean in domestic, hotel and factory work is between the fifth and sixth grade. The store clerk completed grade 8, the two dressmakers completed two years of high school, the practical nurse and the farm worker, first year high school.

When one thinks of the mental capacity of some of these women, one wonders whether their children may not be somewhat handicapped at the start in mental endowment as well as in early environing influences. If they inherit to some degree the mental capacity of their mothers, they may find it a little difficult in later life to compete on equal terms with some of their fellows who are better endowed mentally. Table IX shows the number of children born to women of varying degrees of intelligence. Though the average number of children born to women of each grade of intelligence is about the same, the largest number is certainly in the group of subnormal intelligence.

Mental defectives present a social problem which is being given much consideration. For a time all mental defectives were looked upon as potential criminals and treated accordingly. Now, however, we are beginning to understand that their behavior in adult life is very largely determined by the type of training they receive in their childhood and the habits they then form. Those who have been neglected in their childhood are liable to reward us by becoming serious problems to their family, to the community and to the State. Those who have been well trained become law-abiding citizens and can be depended upon to do good work, at least under supervision. As a matter of fact, there is much work for them to do in our factories which more intelligent people find too monotonous. On the other hand, there are some who are either so defective or so lacking in emotional control that they need continuous custodial care.

To ascertain the extent of mental defect in the State would be a considerable contribution to solving some of our related social problems, especially if such a study were followed up by the necessary care and training of those members of our society who are found to be mentally defective. In Vermont at present there are no means for such follow-up work. It was therefore decided to delay making the more comprehensive study. It was felt, however, that a social study of even a limited group of mental defectives would give some picture of the problems they present. No such social study was attempted in the subnormal or defective people included in our early pedigree studies.

The group selected consisted of those persons who at one time had been referred to the Brandon State School for the feebleminded, but who for some reason did not go there and are still at large in the State. They seemed a most important group to follow UK' concerning their social and economic adjustment to their communities.

A list of the names was then secured from the Brandon State School for the Feebleminded of those who had at any time prior to August, 1929, been referred to the School, but not admitted. Following this, inquiries were made of social and public agencies as to information they might have concerning any of these persons. These agencies very kindly gave us full information about cases recorded with them. Then a schedule was drawn incorporating some of the points which seemed of interest concerning each particular case.

First we wanted to know who referred the individual to Brandon, the reason for doing so, and the reason for his not being admitted. This suggested answers which might show whether the institution was large enough to take all those referred to it who really needed its care and also might reflect some of the community's knowledge of and attitude toward the School for the Feebleminded. Then we wanted to know the social heritage of each individual, his family history, mental capacity of his brothers and sisters; his home environment at present and in the past; his school history and his behavior there as well as in his home. Then something of his work history‐‐what kind of jobs he was able to hold; how his wage compared to that prevailing in the community for similar work; how much supervision he needed in his work; how he spent his money. When we consider the total social picture‐‐his behavior at home, at school, and at work, his relation with his fellows, and the and of work he is able to do it seems possible to make some estimate of the degree of social and economic adjustment that he is making in the community.

Home visits are being made to each individual and interviews held with members of the family and himself‐‐usually a psychological test being given him. Visits are also made to schools, to places of work and to interested persons.

The following illustrate some of the types of cases that are being followed.

Tom is the illegitimate child of a woman who is now in the State Hospital for the Insane. He has always been a charge on the town and has twice been referred by the Overseer of the Poor to the State School for the Feebleminded because he was making no progress in school. However, he was not admitted because there were others who needed more immediate attention.

When a baby he was placed by the Overseer of the Poor in a large family in which the standards were not very satisfactory. During the fourteen years he spent with this family he learned bad habits, both personal and in regard to work. At 14 he left school since he was only in grade 2, and went to work for a farmer who took unusual interest in him and spent much time in trying to change some of his habits and to train him to become a good worker. He improved a great deal while there, but after two years the boy left by mutual consent.

He is now 16 years of age, a tall, slim, attractive-looking boy. The town has decided that he is old enough to look after himself and has ceased to be responsible for him. At present he is working with a very fine farm family, doing some of the chores. He works fairly well at some of the simpler tasks, but is unusually stubborn and resents the fact that he gets five dollars less pay per month than some of the other boys, although his work is not worth more. He is sufficiently pleased still, to mingle well with neighboring boys and girls. But this is just what makes it harder for him to accept his own limitations. He has no sense of the value of money and loves to spend it on taking everyone to the movies or buying cigarettes and tobacco. The people with whom he is living try to advise him but feel that they have no real authority over him. And so he goes his own way. It seems as if it is leaving left very much to chance what kind of a social and economic adjustment this boy is going to make.

Allen is quite another type. He is only seven years old, living with his parents in a pleasant although poor home. He had spastic paralysis shortly after birth and is an idiot. He demands such constant attention from his mother that she is nearly a nervous wreck from looking after him. He takes up so much time that she has found it necessary to place out with relatives two of her younger children. He has even been the cause of considerable estrangement between the mother and stepfather, as well as preventing the two younger children from enjoying normal home life. It would be a great relief to the family to have the boy cared for in an institution. But there is not much room at the Brandon School, particularly for this type of child.

At sixteen, Mary left school where she had been doing third grade work in a special class for mental defectives. She has an intelligence quotient of 54.6, a middle grade moron. She has always been so much trouble in school from the sex standpoint that repeated efforts were made to have her sent to the Brandon State School, but her parents always strenuously opposed it. Mary comes from a very large family in which four of the younger children attend special classes for mental defectives. All the members of the family have violent tempers and quarrel continually. It is in this atmosphere that Mary has been brought up and in which she continues to live. She is now only 17 years of age and has held three jobs, doing housework for very patient, understanding women in the community. Her work, however, has been so unsatisfactory and her behavior so unpleasant that each employer has had to dismiss her after a week. Now she is hoping to get a job which will bring her in continued contact with the public. Considering her low mentality, her uncontrollable temper and her abnormal interest in sex, it is probably only a matter of time when she will again be brought to the attention of State authorities, if not for mental deficiency, then for delinquency. Some training and supervision could still do much for this girl, but it cannot be given in her present home.

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These cases illustrate only some phases of the problem of mental deficiency. The investigation is far from complete and the results therefore cannot be brought out in this report. The study is proving valuable as well as intensely interesting.

Ever since the middle of the last century or earlier a large number of the rural towns of Vermont have declined in population. Many reached the highwater mark between the years 1830 and 1850. To counterbalance this drain on the small towns the larger cities have grown rapidly and drawn to them many who would otherwise have left the State. But they are not strong enough magnets to hold all, and a larger number of native born Vermonters are to be found in other states of the Union than are natives of any other state scattered from their home state. At the same time Vermont increases very slowly by its birth rate, and for every thousand who leave the State less than a third of that number come in to take their places.

In the light of the above, it appeared to the workers in the Eugenics Survey as a matter of considerable interest to trace some of the changes in activities and in the population of a single long established rural town and to note to what extent some of the oldest families were influenced by these changes.

Dunnfield is one of the Vermont towns which has shown a steady decline since the middle of the last century. Sometime before 1790 a number of families from Connecticut and New Hampshire settled there. Since those first pioneer days scions of these families have held positions of trust and leadership in Vermont and in other parts of the country. But their contribution to other states cannot be traced here since this study is primarily limited to noting changes from the point of view of the town itself.

Today only six of the old families have descendants in the town. These very kindly told us the story of their forefathers who had settled there. Sometimes, of course, they were not able to tell about whole branches of their line, members of which had left the town very long ago. The information they furnished pointed to interesting changes in the town and in their own families, particularly in regard to those factors which influence population decline, namely, limited occupational opportunities, afforded, emigration and decline in birth rate.

Dunnfield has always been a fertile farming area. The early settlers grew grain and raised sheep. But there was also some valuable timber on the land and it was not long before some of the enterprising members had added lumbering mills to their farms. For a time four of these were successful. Other members of the family established taverns. These also were successful because Dunnfield was on the main road and a center for stage lines.

Between 1812 and 1830 the town grew rapidly so that even before 18~0 it had reached the highest period of development with a population of nearly 1,700. At this time, besides the four sawmills, there were several distilleries and two tanneries. In the one village in the town were two general stores. There were four active church societies. An academy for secondary education flourished and drew to it students from long distances. Though every farm family was self‐sufficient there was a strong sense of community life and members of the old families took keen interest in politics, church and education.

But even before 1850 changes had already begun creeping in. Restlessness among the younger generation had shown itself. By 1830 some of them had chosen to farm at some distance from their native town. By 1840 some answered the call to go to the new lands of the Middle West. A little later, many others went to California to try their luck at the gold rush or at fruit farming. Thus many of those who showed that same initiative and venturesomeness characteristic of the earliest Dunnfield pioneers were the first to move away to newer fields.

In 1848 the main railway came through but did not touch on the old village, the center of stage lines. It passed through the northern edge of the town and established large railway centers at neighboring towns on either side of Dunnfield. The effects of this were soon felt. Activities gradually died down in the old village and the new one built near the railway never became very large. Some of the people who still loved farming moved to the equally fertile town next to Dunnfield where a large railway center was located; others, attracted by city life, moved to the rapidly growing city on the other side. These at least were some of the obvious influences causing the population decline of Dunnfield.

During all this period of change, opportunities for economic advancement in the old town did not increase. Lumbering, for instance, declined so that today none of the old mills are in use. Other countries offered too keen a competition in sheep raising for it to pay Vermonters to continue this industry. Neither was it worth while to compete with the westerners in growing grain. Dunnfield, like other Vermont towns, began to concentrate on growing potatoes, corn and apples, and on dairying. The latter has now become the leading industry. At first every family made its own butter and cheese. But this was changed with the coming into use of the cream separator. Then creameries sprang up, a cheese factory, and two butter-tub factories. But after a while, when improved railway communications brought Dunnfield into closer touch with the metropolitan centers, New York and Boston, it became more profitable to ship whole milk rather than butter or cheese. This is what is done today.

Dunnfield then offers only limited occupational opportunities, chiefly in dairying and to a less extent in the growing of potatoes, corn and apples. Elsewhere, however, with the growing complexity of our social order, opportunities more varied than this are afforded. Therefore many enterprising, young people interested in other fields have left the town.

All these changes have left their mark on the social life of the town. Instead of keeping up the local activities the interest of the people has centered more in the nearby city so that the town has become something like a suburb to that city. Most of its people go there for amusements and for shopping. Those wanting higher education go to the city, for the famous academy long since died. Instead of the four Protestant churches, which we may assume to have been well supported in the early days, only one now draws to it any congregation. Part of this, of course, is due to the changing element in the population, the newcomers being mostly Roman Catholics of Irish stock.

In relation to these changes it is of considerable interest to note the part played by the leading old families of the town.

Since the earliest pioneering days descendants of the six old families have usually been farmers. A larger number than the average, however, have gone into private business or into professions. Approximately 37 percent have been farmers, 16 percent have been in businesses of their own, 11 percent have been in the professions, 7 percent in the higher ranks of trade, and 17 percent in clerical work or labor. Differences of course are to be found within each family, some being represented to a much larger extent than others in business and in the professions.

Today there are twenty-five gainfully employed descendants of the six families living in Dunnfield. Fifteen of these are farmers; five have their own businesses, such as store and gristmill; one is a teacher; four are laborers. There is no water power and no obvious raw material of value for manufacturing, so that the starting of any new industry would seem to be a risky venture. The business of the community is adequately taken care of by the existing stores, insurance agents, etc. And so even today there appears to be little opportunity in Dunnfield for those interested in occupations other shall farming.

But even the farms have not succeeded in holding all those primarily interested in agriculture. Many members of the old families went away to farm or grow fruit in the far West, and judging from their successes it would seem that they were men whom Dunnfield could ill afford to lose. In 1840, for instance, when a number began going West, three brothers in the Grove family left to take up farms in Iowa. John Grove did especially well, becoming a successful farmer and a leading merchant. His children in turn prospered; two of his sons farmed on a large scale, one was a merchant, another a lawyer. His unmarried daughters took up employment, one being a nurse, the other a librarian. His grandchildren have branched into wider fields. Three are farmers, one is an editor, another is a banker, one is an engineer who has traveled all over the world, and still another is an automobile dealer. One unmarried granddaughter is a teacher, the other is a chemist in a large laboratory. Now his great‐grandchildren are nearly all receiving college educations so that they may be expected to enter even more diverse occupations. Descendants of this same family who left Vermont for other New England States similarly took up a variety of occupations. Those who remained in Dunnfield, on the other hand, have all continued to farm.

At each census since 1850, approximately 40 percent of native Vermonters were to be found in other states compared to 60 percent remaining in Vermont. The six Dunnfield families have had their share in this emigration. From the time of the earliest settlement (1790) to the present, 958 descendants of these six families have been known. Thirty-nine percent of these have left Vermont. Another 30 percent have moved to other parts of the State, while 31 percent have remained in Dunnfield. Today 520 living descendants of these families are known. Two hundred fifty-nine of these are living outside of Vermont; 196 are in other parts of the State; 65 are in Dunnfield.

Throughout the entire period 37 percent of the members of these families have moved to other parts of the Union than the New England States. At the present time 33.1 percent are in this group. A fairly consistent proportion of those who have left Vermont have gone to other New England States. Since 1790 11 percent have gone to these states. At the present time 16.7 percent of those living are to be found there. Over the whole period of time, however, 61 percent of the descendants of these families have remained in Vermont. Sixty-two and seven-tenths percent of those now living are still in the State. Therefore, it is evident that though Dunnfield has lost by the moving away of these families, other Vermont towns have gained. These six families, however, have taken very active part in the emigration from Dunnfield which has caused its decline in population of over 45 percent since 1850. While one admires the initiative of members of these families one regrets for the sake of Vermont that they are lost to Vermont.

Individual families vary considerably as to the proportion which has gone to other states. One of the six old families has still all its representatives in Vermont, whereas another one has 90 percent of its descendants in other states. The members of the first mentioned (family which has all its representatives in Vermont) are practically all farmers or farm laborers. Only 5 percent have gone into business and a similar proportion into the professions. On the other hand, the family which has sent most of its members out of the State is represented in a number of different occupations.

These same families have assisted in the decline of the town in another way. That is, by the small rate of natural increase. Vermont more than other states has developed slowly by its own birth rate, and this trend has been particularly noticeable among the oldest families, in the first two generations of which five, six and seven children were to be found. From then on there was a decline so that now only two or three children are usually born to a couple. As a matter of fact, considered from the earliest pioneering days to the present time, 17.4 percent of these families have had no children. Forty-six and five-tenths per cent have had one, two and three children. Only 36.1 percent have had more than three children. In one case, for instance, it seemed at times as if the whole line were about to die out, but just at that time some couple, having six or seven children, gave it a new lease of life. In another family the infant mortality rate was 5.2 percent, so that this again was a serious check on natural increase. Raising so few children in so many successive generations, these people have not contributed greatly to the population of the town.

Each of these families tells a different story, but in each are found similar trends, particularly in regard to emigration from Vermont and decline in birth rate as well as taking part in a greater diversity of occupations after leaving their native town. Changes have come over both the town and the families. Both have probably made progress in their own particular way. The families through changing opportunities have learned to express varying phases of their inherent ability. The town, too, has adapted itself to changing needs and though for some time there may be a period of depression so profound as to seem like death, it may only presage the birth of a new life, a new expression of its functioning as part of the organism that is Dunnfield.