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The paper explores the Khotta language's linguistic features, including its gender-specific vocabulary and the use of nasalized verbs in possessive forms. Unlike Bengali, Khotta distinguishes between male and female pronouns only for humans, while using masculine for inanimate objects. It also discusses the absence of written literature in Khotta and highlights oral traditions, such as marriage songs, within the community.
Migration has been a persistent phenomenon in the Bhojpuri-speaking region of western Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh over centuries. It has become an oft-repeated motif in Bhojpuri cultural forms, especially folksongs. In the songs of migration, the protagonist is mostly a lamenting woman whose husband has migrated leaving her behind in the village. These songs are performed by men and women both, in different folksong traditions. Even the folksongs performed by men are composed in the first person singular feminine. This paper seeks to explore how the first person feminine of men's folksongs is different from that of women's folksongs.
Women imagery in Folk Wedding Songs: An ethnographic and thematic study of Rajput folksongs , 2017
Folksongs play an important role in the social construction of identity as well as cultural promotion of particular areas. As an oral tradition, Folksongs are unlimited in their forms and subject-matters that ranging from simple to complex. The objectives of this ethnographic research is to investigate, analysis and interpret Rajput women folk wedding songs as explicated by Rajput women themselves in their cultural context. The research conducted in a village, Wahando, near Gujranwala (Punjab, Pakistan) where many Rajput's families live. The research methods used is in-depth interviews through which eight women are interviewed and twenty folk wedding songs collected from them. Most of the songs collected from a mirassan (a professional singer) locally known as Dadi who sings folk wedding songs. Other songs narrated by women of the family and written by the researchers. However, men perspectives about folksongs limits the study. The men images in the folksongs presented, interpreted and understood by women singers through conducted interviews. This research article concludes that folksongs reflect the sentiments and expectations of the bride towards her parents and in laws, which she otherwise unable to utter. It is also significant to mention that the research also informs that folksongs play a key role in reinforcing the stereotypical roles of women and men in subtle ways. Further, these folksongs provide a platform and a space for women (including bride) from where they can verbally express feelings and emotions vis-à-vis to their kinship.
This paper studies changes in Suhag aesthetics brought on by the mediation of popular folk singers and address whether Suhag is a genre of Punjabi folk songs traditionally performed by groups of women as part of the wedding ritual cycle. The word Suhag derives from Suhagan, which means, a married woman. Suhag as a folk genre has roots in rural Punjab. As per custom, women of the bride's family and local community, across age demographics, gather in her to sing traditional songs leading up to and during wedding festivities. Over the years, the practice of these singing sessions has dwindled resulting in Suhags losing prominence, especially in relation to the more festive genres like boliyaan that are typically accompanied by gidda (a robust dance form). Part of the reason is change in marriage practices due to several factors such as urbanization, modernization and the village outward migration of Punjabis. Moreover, advancement in communication technology and women's improving position in Indian society, it may be argued, partially ameliorate the angst of separation experienced by a bride. Suhag passed from the domain of amateur ritual music into that of commercial popular music, and as is often the case, conflicts arise from the juxtaposition of traditional and popular culture. To some extent, Suhag has changed both aesthetically and in terms of original intent and function. On the basis of interviews, available documents, this paper analyzes evident changes, and to some extent, underlying social factors.
JEELS (Journal of English Education and Linguistics Studies), 2016
This qualitative study of Pakistani-Urdu wedding songs allows a closer look at the gender situation, and towards the understanding of the process of construction and perpetuation of gender-based stereotypes. However, the major concern of this study is to understand the portrayal of each gender along with the question that does such portrayal underlines the traditional gender roles and gender inequality. Taking a discourse analysis perspective, this study analyzes textual data from the lyrics of the seventeen wedding songs. The song selection was based on purposive sampling technique. The data were collected through transcription and recording of the audios of the songs. As a result of thematic analysis thirteen themes emerged, ten portraying the female gender and four portraying the male gender. These themes reveal important findings that support and reinforce the gender-based stereotypes and also reflect gender hierarchy, normative heterosexual relationships, kinship norms and gender subversions.
1972
Despite similarities between Hindi and Urdu and mutual intelligibility, at least on the spoken level, slight grammatical differences between the two languages do exist. The treatment of gender proVides an example of such differences. Explanation of the actual differences in gender usage can be based on a synchronic, linguistic level as well as on a diachronic, cultural level. First-year students learning these languages, unless well-versed in linguistics or literature, probably do not need to receive such explanations for learning purposes. Such linguistic and cultural complexities are more easily understood by second-year students who have been exposed to other exceptions in Hindi and Urdu grammar and to Indian culture in general. (VM).
Ethnomusicology, 2010
2020
The usingof aesthetic and artificial language in oral traditional verse sometimes exceeds its functions as a medium to convey morality advice, character building, self emotional expression, and embeded wishes. As atraditional verse, lyrics of kabhanti are created by using marvellous language that potentially disturbs to understand the messages. Language style of kabhanti is perceived strange as the impact of linguistic deviations to achieve the sense of aesthetic. This study aims at describing and analyzing phonological, grammatical, and semantic deviations as the means to achieve the sense of aesthetic in the lyrics of kabhanti. The study is designed descriptive qualitatively by adopting Leech's theory (1969) and applying a contrastive analysis. Data of kabhanti lyrics were taken from the people who had adequate experiences to perform kabhanti in front of audience. Results of the study are phonological deviation is achieved by phonemic addition at the beginning and middle of words through phonemic appearing of nasal alveolar of n /n/, nasal velar of ng /ŋ/, and fricative velar of m /m/; grammatical deviation by inversion; and semantic deviation by transference and honest deception. Transference occurs through the using of figurative languages of metaphor, synecdoche, and metonymy; honest deception by the using of litotes, hyperbole, and irony. The three kinds of deviations make the language style of kabhanti becomes more aesthetic and artistic compared to the conventional syle of daily language
2001
This paper examines the pronominal system of address between spouses in Nepal. Nepal has eight pronouns corresponding to the t/v distinction, some of which are honorific, and some of which are non-honorific. According to the degree of respect implied, they are massif, sarkaar, hajur, yahaaN, TapaiiN, aaphu, Timi, and TaN. Massif and sarkaar are the rigid forms, reserved for use by the royal family, and are only used ironically among common Nepal couples. Timi and TaN are non-honorific, and the other four are honorific. Husbands use non-honorific forms to address their wives, while wives use honorific forms to address their husbands. Reciprocal use of either form except Timi is nonexistent. The form TaN is never used by a wife to her husband except in extremely emotional cases. A husband never uses an honorific form to his wife except ironically. The forms of address to the husband change as his social status upgrades, while forms of address to the wife never change. The determining factor is not age, sex, cast, post, academic qualification, or financial condition. The social norm that a wife is inferior to her husband is the determining factor in pronoun use between Nepalese couples. (SM) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document.
2016
In the mountainous area of the Greater Hindukush in northern Pakistan, north-western Afghanistan and Kashmir, some fifty languages from six different genera are spoken. The languages are at the sam ...
NOVATEUR PUBLICATIONS , 2020
Modern linguistics is showing great interest in the problems of the relationship between language, consciousness and culture. To understand the cultural identity of the language, it is important, first of all, to analyze the main value events, which include the concept of "Wedding".