Phonology-Morphology interface

The issues of the history of Armenia during the Achaemenid era remain largely unclear, since historical sources have preserved either very fragmentary information or none at all. In such circumstances, the work of a historian is greatly hampered, and conclusions are not firmly founded. In this regard, the surviving information on the history of Satrapic Armenia at the end of the 5th century BC is scanty, which gives rise to disagreements. This time, our attention was drawn to the information of Ctesias of Cnidus. Despite the fact that Ctesias was considered an unreliable historian, his information on the internal affairs of the Achaemenid court is reliable, since the sources for Ctesias were the top officials of the state.
Ctesias’ account about the high-ranking officials Artoxares and Terituchmes is noteworthy in that the ancient author mentions Armenia in several episodes. Ctesias’ information led to the conclusion in specialized literature that Artoxares and Terituchmes were satraps of Armenia. However, our investigation shows that the mentioned persons were not satraps of Armenia, but played a significant role in the life of the state. Ctesias’ information allows us to assume that Armenia continued to be one of the important, vast and rich satrapies of Achaemenid Persia, whose satraps had familial ties with the Achaemenid king.

Based on an analysis of corresponding sample texts, it is argued that although the Old Armenian e- and i-conjugations have coalesced into a single conjugation type in the dialect of Aṙtial, the original contrast between the two conjugations — namely, the ending -ē versus the ending -i — has been maintained, contrary to H. Ačaṙyan’s description, in the 3rd singular subjunctive (which goes back to the 3rd singular present indicative in Old Armenian).
However, verbs from both the previous e- and i-conjugations form the imperative identically, taking the ending -ē in the singular and the ending -ec‘ēk‘ in the plural. As for the imperative singular ending -iәr (< -ir), it is not attested with simple verbs of the former i-conjugation (again, contrary to H. Ačaṙyan’s description); only suffixed verbs in the previous e- and i-conjugations, as well as verbs in the a-conjugation in general, exhibit the ending -iәr in the imperative singular in the dialect of Aṙtial.

The phonological information of some noun stems in Yoruba language plays an important role in the selection process of the two allomorphs (Onĩ-and VIǿ-) which could be interpreted as "the owner or someone who sells" being used to derive genitive nouns in the language. This phonological information in turn is dependent on morphological facts of the noun category (i. e. the derivation of such genitive nouns through prefixation). This paper picks interest in suppletive allomorphs as its affects the derivation of this nouns and thereby relating it to phonological conditioned suppletive allomorphy (PCSA). The paper assumes the model of subcategorization in Paster (2015) for analysis, were suppletive allomorph in this model is a phenomenon that results when two or more different affixes with the same meaning have different subcategorization requirement. The data are analyzed using two different subcategorization frames. The findings reveal that the selection between the two allomorphs is not premised on the stem initial vowels and consonants sounds dichotomy, as one of the forms is also realized as a prefix to both vowel and consonant initials stems. But rather, the stem makes the selection of the allomorphs, which the subcategorization frame captures explicitly well.

A presente pesquisa aborda algumas características prosódicas de preposições e de prefixos do latim clássico, tendo como pressupostos teóricos a Fonologia Lexical ea Fonologia Prosódica. Descrevemos, nesse estudo, o envolvimento das preposições no ...

This dissertation contributes to the study of Hebrew morphology by tracing how the mechanisms of verb formation have evolved from earlier stages of Hebrew into the modern language. Drawing on a database of over 11,000 verbs, it reveals the principles that govern morphological productivity in Modern Hebrew and shows how speakers create new verbs, reshape existing patterns, and expand the language.

Consonantic epithesis (that is, the addition of consonantal segments at the end of a word) is a sporadic phenomenon in Catalan, as in the pronunciations [márt] or [márk] for mar 'sea' or [ápit] for api 'celery'. It is, however, present in all dialects to a greater or lesser extent, especially if we include cases of consonant or semivowel addition in the first person singular of the present indicative, as in parlo [párlut] or [párluk] (from parlar 'to speak') in the Girona dialect and in cre[j] (from crear 'to create') or tatu[w] (from tatuar 'to tattoo') in the Balearic dialect. The aim of this paper is to explore the factors that favor consonantic epithesis at the end of a word, despite the contradictions this implies according to the phonological tendencies universally attributed to this position. We will distinguish between phonetic and morphological epithesis: for the former, the reasons for the strengthening are especially based on articulatory, acoustic, or perceptual factors; for the latter, the main motivation is related to morphological overmarking and paradigmatic effects. In both cases, the preference of words to end in a consonant plays a determining role.

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In 2013, Bago and Kusuntu language communities of Togo developed a shared orthography, but well-trained Kusuntu writers still struggle to mark tone consistently. This thesis constitutes the first Kusuntu tone description and seeks to inform the development of Kusuntu tone orthography. The mora is the tone bearing unit and can be H, L, or toneless. Speakers are additionally aware of a mid pitch, which is the surface realization of a downstepped H. The underlying tone patterns of verb roots are H, ∅, H∅ or ∅H, while noun roots are H, L, LH, or HL. Floating H and L tones mark verbal aspect. The Obligatory Contour Principle is in effect and violations are repaired in one of three ways, depending on the domain level where the violation occurs. The majority of nouns take a noun class suffix and end in a HL pattern.

This article presents a dictionarybased study of vowel reduction and preservation in British English in initial pretonic position and intertonic position. The different variables which have been claimed to influence those processes are tested on a data set of over 4,500 words using regression analyses. Our results confirm the significant effects of syllable structure, position of the vowel, word frequency and opaque prefixation. They also provide weak evidence for other factors such as vowel features and the existence of a base in which the vowel bears a stress, although no clear effects of word segmentability could be found. We also report new findings, as we find that foreign words reduce less than nonforeign words; we find that [+back] vowels reduce less than [-back] vowels in initial pretonic position; and we find a difference in behaviour for vowels followed by /sC/ clusters between nonderived words and stressshifted derivatives.

The prefixation of /maN-/ in the Banjarese is known to cause the nasal segment to behave differently. However, in previous studies on Banjarese prefixation, these nasal behaviors were not given full attention, as affixation (including prefixation) was merely considered one of the morphological processes of word formation. This paper aims to analyze these nasal behaviors at the prefix-base boundary and the factors that cause them to behave as they do. Data were collected using two methods: interviews and a word list. Three types of nasal behavior were identified as follows: nasal assimilation, nasal substitution, and nasal deletion. Each behavior is governed by specific constraints present in the language. Nasal assimilation results from a constraint that prohibits the clustering of nasal-obstruent segments with different places of articulation, while nasal substitution is employed to address sequences involving a nasal and a voiceless obstruent. On the other hand, nasal deletion occurs due to a constraint that disallows the clustering of sonorant segments at the prefix-base boundary.

The absence of the first person morpheme in the Indicative Present in balearic Catalan and alguerès generates some «impossible» final consonant clusters. It seems, however, that speakers don't see this final consonants such as codes of precedent vowel but as a kind of openings of an «extrasegmental morpheme» because, when there are several consonants, it produces a regressive assimilation of articulation point between the consonants of this hypothetical coda. This curious intrasyllabic assimilation contravenes general principles, and in Catalan only occurs in these dialects: is a tiny but common * Aquest treball, que aprofita materials inèdits d'algunes meves recerques de fa alguns anys, s'inscriu en el projecte Lengua, identidad y cohesion social: el paradigma de los territorios de frontera linguistica (FFI2014-53589-C3-1-R) finançat pel Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad del Gobierno de España.

catalaResum L’absencia del morfema de la primera persona del present de l’indicatiu en el catala de les Balears i en l’algueres genera alguns grups consonantics finals «impossibles». Sembla que els parlants, tanmateix, no veuen aquestes consonants finals com a codes de la vocal anterior sino com a obertures d’una mena de «morfema extrasegmental», ja que quan s’hi agrupen diverses consonants es produeix un escampament regressiu del punt d’articulacio entre aquestes consonants de la hipotetica coda. Aquest curios escampament intrasil·labic contrave els principis generals, i en catala nomes es produeix en aquests dialectes: es tracta d’un minuscul pero frequent tret linguistic que permet, tal vegada, reflectir la particularitat dels territoris insulars. EnglishThe absence of the first person morpheme in the Indicative Present in balearic Catalan and algueres generates some «impossible» final consonant clusters. It seems, however, that speakers don’t see this final consonants such as co...

In work going back over ten years (see Burzio 1991 et seq.), I have argued that surface forms of words, such as those in (1b), can be correctly calculated only by making reference to other surface forms, such as their respective counterparts in (1a), within a system of violable ...

This study investigates the Turkish partial reduplication phenomenon, in which the reduplicant is derived by prefixing C 1 VC 2 syllable, where C 1 V are identical to the word-initial CV of the base and the C 2 ends in one of the four linking consonants:-p,-m,-s,-r. This study reexamines the factors conditioning the choice of the linking consonant, by focusing the nature of the (dis)similarity (feature specificity) and the proximity (locality) between the consonants in the base and the linking consonant, using an acceptability rating task with over 200 participants and a diverse set of stimuli in terms of length and word shapes. Results indicate a gradient identity avoidance effect that extends over all consonants in the base. Crucially, the effect of all consonants is not uniform, with the strength of the effect decreasing further into the base. The study also uncovers an elusive interplay between the distance-based decay effect and the syllable position effect, both of which turn out to play a role in these non-categorical patterns with multiple features. Furthermore, results indicate that identity avoidance operates over both individual features as well as whole segments. Overall, the study argues that locality-sensitive feature-specific identity avoidance constraints are part of the grammar.

Vowel hiatus as one of the intolerable phenomena in most world languages is caused after morphological processes like affixation and cliticization. Each language tries to resolve this situation using the resolutions at hand. This article aims to study the reasons for the diversity in clitics' hiatus resolution in Kalhori Kurdish based on McCarthy (2008). The data were collected, transcribed, and parsed into relevant morphemes through interviewing with 15 speakers of Kalhori Kurdish from Gilan-e Gharb. Also, a questionnaire including morphology and syntax-related questions of this dialect were completed by a male and a female speaker of this dialect. After the analysis of the alternating forms of clitics, insertion, glide formation, and deletion were revealed to be the primary, secondary, and tertiary strategies for resolving vowel hiatus. This diversity mainly happens when the conditions for each of these processes are not met, and the hiatus cannot be resolved by only one strategy. Therefore, the
important conclusion of this research is that there is a systematic order
in the conspiracy and application of the aforementioned processes in
this dialect to resolve vowel hiatus in such a way that the deletion
strategy is adopted as the last resort.

Hausa. There are seven different hypocoristic types, some of which can be combined with one another. Six types employ segmental suffixes and one type is formed by partial reduplication. Some of the types display an overall tonal melody; others simply add a tonally fixed affix to a basic name with its inherent tone. The hypocoristic types differ both in their affective/emotive connotations and in who uses them.

The paper proposes a novel analysis of the sequence-nV/-ne in Western South Slavic (-nu/-ne in BCMS and-ni/-ne in Slovenian) as a complex morpheme consisting of the diminutive suffix-n and the theme vowel ∅/e, whereby the latter realizes the verbal category, like all other verbal themes in Slavic. We argue that the vowel in the suffix-nV is a floating vowel that surfaces when it helps optimize the syllable structure. While analyses of-nV/-ne as a complex morpheme have been proposed in the literature, the analysis in terms of diminution enables us to account for the peculiar status of the suffix-nV among other verbal suffixes, especially its compatibility with other suffixes, including diminutive and secondary imperfectivizing ones, which is either ignored or left unexplained in the previous accounts.

In this paper, we study how phonotactic constraints can play a role in contact-induced morphological simplification. We hypothesize that, in languages with constraints on certain consonant sequences, L2 speakers acquiring the language overgeneralize these constraints and avoid consonant sequences formed by morphological affixing. The resulting process of reduction of such sequences could then lead to loss of morphological affixes. We evaluate this hypothesis using data from Alorese, an Austronesian language spoken in eastern Indonesia, which underwent morphological simplification and has a large proportion of L2 speakers. Results from an agent-based model, which dekker, klamer and de boer Language Dynamics and Change 15 (2025) 1-39 allows for mechanisms to be tested in isolation, indicate that phonotactic mechanisms indeed play a role in contact-induced morphological simplification. Phonotactic mechanisms lead to the strongest simplification when combined with a generalization mechanism, which spreads the simplified forms across different verbs. The model results underline the role of multiple interacting mechanisms in language change.

The primary objective of this paper is to unearth the details of what constitutes adverbs in Dangme using the prototype theory. The paper also sheds light on the morphological and structural properties of Dangme adverbs and adverbials. Analyses of the various structures used revealed that Dangme expresses adverbial concepts through the use of core adverbs and quite a large number of ideophonic and reduplicated elements. The morphology and lexical semantics of these three elements place them as integral members that make up the class. It was found that
contrary to other Kwa languages, Dangme does not derive adverbs by affixation, but rather by the process of reduplication. It was also observed that Dangme uses adverbials which include nominals with temporal and locative functions, postpositional phrases, and compounded adverbials. Regarding their syntactic properties, Dangme adverbs were discovered to have shared properties; however, for their adverbial counterparts, their structural and distributional properties are influenced mainly by the
semantic interpretation they add to the sentences they occur in and the constituents that they scope over.

This paper expands on the description o f English prefixed words presented in section 4 of Raffelsiefen (1993). Earlier versions o f this paper were presented at the Inaugural FAS Conference in Berlin in March, 1994 and at the IWCP in Durham in September, 1994. I thank the audiences there for helpful criticisms. I am especially grateful to Mike Davenport, T. A. Hall, S. J. Hannahs, Ursula Kleinhenz, Roger Schwarzschild, George Smith, and an anonymous reviewer for comments and discussion.

This study investigates the phonological adaptation of French nasal vowels into Moroccan Arabic (MA), focusing on the processes that govern this transformation. In MA, French nasal vowels typically undergo "VNASALUnpacking," a process where the nasal vowel is split into an oral vowel followed by a nasal consonant to avoid onsetless syllables. MA speakers perceive French nasal vowels as VN sequences, a phenomenon supported by cross-linguistic evidence of the biphonemic nature of nasal vowels. Using an Optimality Theory (OT) framework, this adaptation is driven by the UNPACKNASALV constraint, which enforces the decomposition of nasal vowels into two segments. This process is further influenced by the CODA-COND NASAL-Stop constraint, resulting in nasal place assimilation and specific output forms in MA. The markedness constraint UNPACKNASALV dominates the anti-unpacking faithfulness constraint INTEGRITY, leading to adaptations that favor structural conditions in MA, such as avoiding *VNASAL and ensuring syllables have onsets (ONSET), at the expense of lexical contrast. French, on the other hand, unpacks nasal vowels primarily in liaison contexts to avoid vowel hiatus, due to the high-ranking NOHIATUS constraint. This preference for unpacking over deletion indicates that the MAX-IO constraint is ranked higher than UNPACKNASALV in French. Yoruba, however, resolves vowel hiatus through deletion rather than unpacking, showcasing different phonological strategies across languages. In MA, the nasal vowels of borrowed French words are realized as VN sequences, neutralizing the orality-nasality contrast in the input. This process indicates the lower ranking of the faithfulness constraint MAX-IO (V) in MA, especially when unpacking would lead to onsetless syllables. The findings highlight the interplay between markedness and faithfulness constraints in the phonological adaptation of borrowed words, emphasizing the structural priorities of MA.

pour exprimer le même sens grammatical. Depuis peu, ce phénomène a suscité un grand intérêt dans la recherche linguistique, notamment dans les langues qui étaient moins investiguées. Dans cet article, on examine de plus près la surabondance morphologique en croate, en mettant l'accent sur les raisons possibles de cette variation et ses implications pour la description grammaticale du croate mais aussi d'autres langues proches. On présente la Base de données des doublets croates qui peut servir comme un outil bienvenu pour une connaissance plus approfondie de ce phénomène. Mots clés : surabondance morphologique, Base de données doublets, flexion, langue croate.

Different languages employ different mechanisms to express cardinal directions. New information on terms for cardinal directions is revealed in many studies by anthropological and cognitive linguists on minority languages of the world. However, there are gaps in studies on nomenclature for cardinal directions in Africa languages which this paper aims to fill by providing a detailed examination of such nomenclature. The paper is based on data from a sample of 42 Eastern Bantu languages. Elicitation and extraction of terms from dictionaries were the main data collection techniques used. The study found out that there are seven sources used to derive terms for cardinal directions namely, names of ethnic groups, names of bodyparts, direction of sunrise and sunset, water-bodies (oceans and lakes), terrain (uphill and downhill), winds, and lexical borrowing. The paper found that reference to terrain (uphill and downhill) and ethnic communities were the most popular sources of cardinal terms in Eastern Bantu. The study also found that naming cardinal direction based on wind, usually associated with coastal Bantu, is also found in the interior of Africa in such languages as Gogo and Ndebele. Finally, contrary to previous studies, the study found that in Eastern Bantu north/south cardinal terms are more prominent than terms for east and west.

The morphologies of Semitic languages have most often been described as a system of roots and patterns suggesting a pluri-consonantal root. For example, the putative Arabic root √qbr has the derived forms qabara 'he buried', qubira 'he was buried', ʔaqburu 'I bury', qabr 'grave' (pl. qubūr), and maqbar 'cemetery' (pl. maqābir). Both traditional Semitist and generative morpheme-based research assume pluri-consonantal roots. However, there have been attempts to explain root-and-pattern morphology in terms of apophony instead. In these accounts, so-called Melodic Overwriting provides the morphophonological mechanism by which word-internal vowels are overwritten by vocalic affixes. The contrary approaches have been used to argue for different models of morphology (root-based vs. word-/stem-based), intermingling morphological theory with phonological representations. In this paper, a new theory of root-and-pattern morphology is proposed. It is shown that pluri-consonantal roots face several theoretical and empirical problems which are solved by assuming vocalised roots in a similar way to stem-and word-based approaches, but with the advantages of morpheme-based frameworks.

The problem of accounting for the placement of stress in the Hebrew verbal paradigms has posed a lasting challenge to analysts working within the generative tradition (cf., e.g., Prince 1975, Bolozky 1978, McCarthy 1979, Rappaport 1984, Bat-El 1989, Dobrin 1994). Modem Hebrew inherited from its Biblical predecessor a stress pattern that interacts with segmental alternations in a morphologically conditioned yet regular way. A cyclic account within the theoretical framework of Lexical Phonology suffers from formal and conceptual inadequacies, however, which motivate another approach. More recently the morphologically limited nature of the verb stress generalization has been captured by referring to a foot-sized template anchored at the edge of an explicitly morphological constituent of the verb. But such a template is ultimately too rigid to accomodate the full range of verbal ·patterns, and it is furthermore prosodically redundant. In this paper, the Modem Hebrew stress patterns are ...

Liburu hau Koldo Mitxelenak idatzitako
ospetsuenetako bat da, azken 60 urteetan
euskaltzale eta ikertzaileek euskararen
iraganean barneratzeko oinarri sendotzat
baliaturikoa. Bertan esandakoek balio
betea dute oraindik, eta egun nornahik esan
litzakeenak baino hobeto esanda daude.
Itzulpen honek Mitxelenaren obra gaurko
irakurle euskaldunari hurbildu nahi dio,
eta bereziki graduan zein graduondokoan
euskararen historia ezagutu, ikasi edota ikertu
nahi dutenei.

1) purpose a. to conceive the phonology-phonetics interface as a regular instantiation of the modular architecture. b. to show that the application of modularity to this interface produces what is known as "phonetic interpretation" in Government Phonology ). c. to construe a consistent global picture where all interfaces respond to the same logic. That is, where linguistic-internal matters and competing theories are refereed by extra-linguistic constraints, in our case those imposed by cognitive science and modularity. d. this perspective is in line with minimalist and biolinguistic tenets: grammar-internal properties are shaped and explained by extra-grammatical, more generally cognitive constraints, typically relating to the interface(s) (third factor explanations, see Chomsky 2005).

Everybody agrees that the linear string is cut into a number of chunks that are phonologically relevant in the sense that they delineate the application of phonological processes. Everybody also agrees that chunk definition is done outside of the phonology: the existence of chunks is a prerequisite for phonological computation to run. The question that is addressed on the pages below is whether chunks are defined derivationally, i.e. by cyclic derivation which today is called phase theory, or representationally, i.e. by the constituents of the Prosodic Hierarchy. The two ways of defining chunks are competing for about three decades, but the competition was systematically downplayed, and the theories that are affiliated to each option since the 80s, Lexical Phonology on the derivational and Prosodic Phonology on the representational side, were officially declared to peacefully coexist. That they are in conflict, however, is obvious: Occam commands that there be only one way in which ...

(1) goal to point out that privativity is also a key issue beyond melodic representation: a. in the procedural communication between morpho-syntax and phonology b. in the representational communication between morpho-syntax and phonology c. in the exchange of information among different cognitive systems Conclusion: massive evidence for privativity in grammar and other cognitive systems The workshop should rather have asked whether the non-privative project is still worth pursuing. ==> everybody is privative today, even regarding melody.

TALKS TO PHONOLOGY 1. What this talk is NOT about (1) What this talk is NOT about a. Interface Dualism (Scheer 2011: §6) there are two ways for morpho-syntax to talk to phonology: 1. procedural (derivational) since Chomsky et al. (1956:75) where cyclic derivation is introduced. Known under variable headings: -transformational cycle (SPE) -phonological cycle (70s, Mascaró 1976), -cyclic derivation (Lexical Phonology) -lately phases in syntactic theory (Uriagereka 1999, Chomsky 2000 and following) 2. representational carriers of extra-phonological (non-morphemic) information in phonology: you INSERT an OBJECT into phonological representations that does NOT carry morphemic information. -neogrammarians: various diacritics -structuralism: juncture phonemes -SPE and 70s: boundaries, e.g. hash-marks # -since the early 80s: the Prosodic Hierarchy and following) ==> this talk is NOT about the procedural (derivational) side of the interface [see Scheer 2009a,b, 2011 on that] b. One-Channel Translation i.e. computational vs. lexical translation (through the lexicon) c. how (and whether) phonology eventually bears on morpho-syntax a disputed issue: phonology-free (in fact melody-free) syntax (Zwicky & Pullum 1986 and following), see Scheer (2011: §412) ==> in this talk only the direction morpho-syntax J phonology is considered. d. morphology vs. syntax? you will learn nothing in this talk about the fiercely disputed question whether morphology and syntax are two distinct or one and the same computational system. ==> sometimes, though, this is relevant for phonology, who needs a result of the strong arms above it to be able to do its work: ==> the word-spell-out mystery (Scheer 2009c, Scheer 2011: §794)

In this paper, we present a unified account of vowel-zero alternations. We argue that the distribution of the alternants is controlled by Government and/or the cyclicity of affixes. We primarily focus on Slavic, but suppose that the analysis can be extended to non-Slavic data: there is only one mechinsm in natural language that controls vowelzero alternations. • The distribution of alternants depends on syllabe structure: strong alternants, i.e. vowels, appear in open syllables, weak alternants, i.e. zeros, appear in closed syllables.

In this paper, we discuss the relationship between the phonological structure of vowel-final nominal stems in Czech and the phonological structure of their inflectional forms. Following the CVCV model of Scheer (2004), we assume (i) the existence of final empty Nuclei, and (ii) the fact that the vowel of V-initial case markers is a floating melody. We show that on these assumptions the morphologically irregular non-realization of V-initial case markers in a specific neuter paradigm follows from its phonological properties. Case markers in Czech are either zero or begin with a vowel. Both categories typically produce opposite effects on the stem; e.g. kotel-Ø 'boiler,nom.sg.' vs kotøl-i 'loc.sg.', kotøl-em 'ins.sg.' Hence in case there is an e~ø alternation between the stem-final consonants, all positive markers behave alike (they produce a zero in the stem) and contrast with zero markers (which produce the V in the stem). In CVCV, the distribution of alternants is controlled by Government: alternation sites remain phonetically unrealized under Government. Provided that full, but not empty Nuclei can govern, stem-final Nuclei in the context of positive markers have to be full, but in the context of zero markers need to be empty. It follows that in the lexicon, marker-initial Vs have to float; in the course of the derivation, they associate with the stem-final Nucleus which therefore can govern the preceding alternation site. The floating scenario, which is enforced by the assumptions of the specific phonological theory at hand, receives support from the strange behaviour of a peculiar inflectional paradigm. In Czech nominal declension, 14 paradigms are usually identified. Among them, the neuter paradigm dělání ‚making' shows a massive syncretism which (i) has no parallel in any other paradigm, and (ii) occurs whenever a case marker consists of just a V. This V fails systematically to be realized. However, the paradigm at hand is not otherwise special since all consonants that appear in the other neuter paradigms are also faithfully realized. Illustration is given below from the comparison with the singular of the two other neuter paradigms, moře ‚sea' and město ‚city': NOM/ACC dělání moř-e měst-o GEN dělání moř-e měst-a DAT/LOC dělání moř-i měst-u INS dělání-m moř-em měst-em The state of affairs described follows from the hypothesis that initial vowels of V-initial case markers float: they can associate only with stems whose final Nucleus is empty. In the dĕlání paradigm, however, the stem-final nucleus is filled up with the suffix -í. This holds also for the instrumental marker. However, in instrumental, the floating e is followed by a full Onsetfilled up with [m] -which can be normally pronounced:

The Coda Mirror is a theory of lenition and fortition that is couched in the syllabic environment CVCV. It was laid out in Segeral & Scheer (2001a) and has known various implementations and applications. In this paper we develop the Coda Mirror further by amending its mechanics in one central point: government and licensing are not equal-righted. The motivation for this move comes from the word-final situation, i.e. where non-phonological factors come into play.

1. Contribuciones al primer Congreso de la Cátedra Luis Michelena sobre Lingüística Vasca y Paleohispánica.
Tras la presentación de la aportación académica e investigadora de Luis Michelena a los estudios de lingüística vasca se recogen diversos trabajos sobre lingüística diacrónica y literatura vasca, lenguas paleohispánicas y lexicografía hispánica.
2. Presentación: La trayectoria académica de Luis Michelena.
3. Al final de la presentación se proporciona la dirección de la web de editial, para una descarga libre y gratuita del libro.

1. Contributions to the first Luis Michelena Chair Conference on Basque and Palaeo-Hispanic Linguistics.
After the presentation of Luis Michelena's academic and research contribution to Basque linguistic studies, various papers on diachronic linguistics and Basque literature, Paleohispanic languages and Hispanic lexicography are collected.
2. Presentation: The main traits of Michelena's scholarship and its contribution to current research
3. At the end of the presentation, a link to the publisher's website is provided to download the book free of charge.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the versification practices of four Bantu languages-Swahili, Tswana, Zulu and Chewa-in a comparative perspective. This comparison is based on the fact that the suprasegmental phonologies of these four languages share a common feature, penultimate lengthening. It will be claimed that penultimate lengthening is the main linguistic feature that organises the line in the poetic traditions taken into account. As a linguistic phenomenon, penultimate lengthening shows some variation in its function among the four languages: it will be shown that this corresponds to analogous variations in the versification practices. The ultimate aim of this paper is to encourage further research in the field of stylistics of Bantu poetic traditions, a domain where joint work between linguists and scholars in literary studies could lead to innovative and fruitful results.

Aquesta obra recull la recerca duta a terme per l'autora amb l’objectiu d’estudiar el procés d’orientalització dels parlars de dues poblacions de l’Alt Urgell: la Seu d’Urgell, capital comarcal, i Coll de Nargó. La investigació es basa en l’anàlisi de la morfologia flexiva nominal i verbal recollida en enquestes dialectals efectuades sobre el terreny a parlants d’edats diverses. L’estudi mostra el retrocés de les formes nord-occidentals més antigues a la capital comarcal, substituïdes per variants modernes del català central o de l’estàndard, que solen coincidir. Quan no hi ha coincidència, es fa evident el canvi històric en els factors de pressió sobre les variants nord-occidentals. Així, les formes dialectals no normatives estan distribuïdes entre adults i vells: les nord-occidentals es mantenen amb vitalitat a Coll de Nargó, però no a la Seu d’Urgell, on fa temps que s’han introduït les del català central, per la pressió del veïnatge d’un dialecte més prestigiós. Les formes estàndard no es distribueixen per poblacions, sinó per edat: s’han difós entre els joves d’ambdues localitats, fet que indica que és un fenomen més recent degut probablement a l’escolarització.

This dissertation presents a critical synthesis of the work I have carried out on the lexical phonology of English over the last twelve years. This work is characterised by an emphasis on the empirical bases on which phonological theories are built on, and an openness to the diversity of theoretical frameworks that have been used to analyse the phonology of English.
            Thus, after an introductory chapter, this volume deals with the rhythmic organisation of English and the opposition between strong and weak syllables. In this second chapter, I examine the nature of this opposition, and propose a distinction between stress and accent on the basis of data and proposals taken from the literature. This chapter then contains a summary of the work that I have done on vowel reduction and secondary stress placement in words without morphological structure.
            The third chapter deals with the interaction between morphosyntax and phonology. Definitions of the basic concepts in morphology as well as an overview of how four phonological theories deal with morphosyntactic information in phonology are proposed. In the remainder of the chapter, I present my work on the phonological manifestations of semantically opaque morphological structures, such as historically prefixed words (e.g. contain, deplete, submit) and proper names (e.g. Cambridge, Washington), followed by my work on the link between stress and syntactic categories. Suffix classes are then discussed, with a review of the literature on the subject and suggested analyses of the various segmental and suprasegmental phenomena mentioned in the literature. The next section looks at pretonic secondary stress, this time in suffixal derivatives. Finally, the the last two sections focus on paradigmatic dependency between words, with a presentation of several studies testing the segmentability hypothesis, followed by a discussion of the possibilities of extending the study of phonological bases beyond the morphological base by investigating, the role of a distant base such as connect in the phonological form of the derivative connectivity.
            The fourth chapter deals with the links between orthography and phonology, which are often little explored in phonological analyses. In this chapter, I defend the idea that orthography must be taken into account in the phonological competence of language users of English, and that a certain number of phenomena are difficult to analyse without recourse to orthography. This chapter also summarises the main results of the studies that I have carried out on the realisation of accented vowels, particularly those with a pretonic secondary stress.
            Finally, the fifth chapter defends the idea that the English lexicon is divided into several sublexica, each with its own phonological (but also semantic and morphological) properties. The model developed with Pierre Fournier is presented, along with the first studies studies that have put it to the test.
            This summary ends with a conclusion highlighting my interest in the nature of representations (of accent, of the phonological behaviour of suffixes, semantically opaque constituents) and for the interfaces between interfaces between phonology and other components such as orthography and morphosyntax. I present prospects for further work, in particular the more systematic use of oral data, the use of computational models such as AML or NDL and the pursuit of an approach that explores the insights of different theoretical models.

The study documents the morphological processes involved in the broken plural system of Urdu words. The pluralization system of Urdu is introduced briefly, however, a detailed investigation of morphological complexities of broken plural is given. The study reveals that Urdu has two types of plurals: Sound Plurals and Broken Plurals. Sound plurals are devised by attaching the suffixes to the stem, and this is a native pattern.Some of the native and borrowedsuffixes are enlisted which are used as plural markers. Both native and borrowed suffixes can be used with native words as well as loan words. Two processes, in fact, are involved in the formation of Urdu plurals: morphological process and phonological process. Morphological process attaches the plural marker to the stem while phonological process makes the devised form pronounceable by deleting or alternating the vowel segments and by re-syllabifying the plural form. The broken plurals, a pattern borrowed from Arabic, are formed by inserting the plural markers: infixes, circumfixes and transfixes, and by modification of the stem. This study is in sharp contrast to Hardie's (2004) claim that only suffixes are involved in the inflectional morphology of Urdu. The formation of broken plurals through infixes, circumfixes and transfixespresents another case, different from regular plurals by only suffixes.Prince &Smolensky's (1993) Optimality Theory (OT) has been utilized to analyze the complexities of broken plurals.

The present study investigates the Punjabi infixes which inflect the nouns for gender, number and case marking. The patterns of genders are formed by three infixes , those of numbers by three infixes and the ones of vocative case by two infixes (-ej- ,-ij-). Punjabi dictionaries have been consulted to collect the respective data. After the insertion of infixes, the scheme is to scrutinize the mechanism of the insertion in Punjabi word-formation. For this purpose, the eighteen constraints of all the infixation patterns are observed. The suitability of the fabrication of patterns is determined through the constraint-based analysis. Such analysis checks the well-formedness of all the descriptive data in line with Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993). Conforming to Optimality Theory, the observed constraints assist the data to be inspected for optimal structures. The analysis has been presented in tableaux. The data analysis shows the universality of constraints due to an active role of markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints. The devised markedness and alignment constraints are seen as language-particular constraints. Alignment constraints are devised in terms of six potential pivots (Yu, 2007). The study has further discussed some examples regarding infixation of other languages in relation to Punjabi inflection. In fact, this study provides the researchers an insight to probe the structure of Punjabi language.

Latin grammars traditionally divide verbs into four conjugations, identifiable (more or less readily) by their theme vowel. The identification of each theme vowel has been the object of several phonological analyses (Allen – Greenough 1903; Lieber 1981; Oniga 2014; Embick 2015; Halle 2019). This paper takes departure from Van der Spuy (2020), who has proposed that the theme vowels of Latin verbs can be analysed in terms of cophonologies. After elaborating on Van der Spuy’s idea, this work concludes there is no need to postulate such cophonologies. Indeed, it is argued that the overall behaviour of Latin theme vowels is much less complicated: the deletion of the theme vowel in conjugations I and III can be explained through a single rule of Latin phonology, namely Back Vowel Deletion, by assuming, as in Halle (2019), that the theme vowel of the III conjugation is underlyingly /ɪ/. As for the mixed conjugation, although it can be argued that it represents a proper subset of the IV conjugation (Van Der Spuy 2020), it is shown here that postulating an underlying /iː/ for it is not beneficial to an analysis of Latin theme vowels in terms of cophonologies. While the section on Van Der Spuy’s cophonologies relies on Optimality Theory, it is intended in the conclusion that the behaviour of Latin theme vowels can be better understood and formalized within the rule-based framework of Distributed Morphology.

This paper describes the morphological evolution of-ile suffix across four Bantu languages selected from the Nyasa-Tanganyika corridor. The suffix-ile which is traditionally an aspect (perfective) marker is changing and becoming amenable to different roles across Bantu languages. This poses a challenge in specifying its roles as a tense and/or an aspect marker unless attention is paid to an individual language. The findings presented in this paper indicate that in the languages under study, the suffix-ile functions as both a tense and an aspect marker. It co-occurs with pre-root formatives to mark different past tenses. In Nyakyusa, in particular, the suffix marks different categories of aspect, namely anterior, non-progressive and indefinite conditional aspect. However, in Ndali, Malila and Nyiha, the suffix-ile marks only the non-progressive aspect. In this view, this paper concludes that the-ile suffix is gradually vanishing in the forms for aspect meanwhile it extends its roles into marking different tense categories.

An attempt is made to demonstrate that the historical development of forms of the imperative in modern Armenian dialects has been quite a complex process, significantly influenced by the intense interplay of various analogical and phonetic changes. These changes have frequently
obscured the original situation and the synchronic morphological relationships between different formation types of the imperative and the relationship between the imperative and the aorist. On the other hand, dialectologists have often overlooked relevant evidence from other dialects when describing a particular dialect, and this has largely hindered
scholars from gaining a deeper understanding of the issues being examined and from thoroughly and accurately investigating the linguistic material. In addition, it should be noted that the investigation of modern Armenian dialects has mostly been of a synchronic descriptive nature. As a result, the joint effect of the above circumstances has frequently led to
various misunderstandings and misinterpretations. Of course, examining all such controversial issues would be going too far. Therefore, this paper will address only some of the most questionable interpretations and/or unexplained phenomena.